The second phase of the local bodies elections concluded almost on the same note as the first one except for the violence that reached an extremely disturbing level. The ruling party (PML-Q) candidates emerged as the big winners along with its allies in all the four provinces, handing a serious blow to the PPP-P in its traditional stronghold in Sindh, and the PML-N in its Punjab support base.
The ruling party backed groups also emerged on top in NWFP as well as Balochistan. No wonder after the end of the 'non-party based' elections, the Chief Minister of Punjab, Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi, was jubilant over the 'landslide victory' of the PML-supported candidates, saying the results truly reflect the people's endorsement of the government policies.
President General Pervez Musharraf, who, for obvious reasons, had a special interest in the NWFP situation, too, was pleased enough at the outcome to term it "excellent" and claim that it shows "Pakistan is a moderate, progressive Islamic country." These gains for the government side, of course, mean losses for the Opposition.
The Opposition parties, which had participated in the election, though, accusing the government of pre-poll rigging, have now rejected the results, saying the government resorted to massive rigging on the election day as well. PPP-P leader Nafis Siddiqui seemed to be genuinely surprised at the reversal his party suffered in Sindh as he told a newspaper that "government sponsored rigging" had swept away his party even in the safest seats within its stronghold. Such allegations may or may not have a real basis.
It is possible that they are one of those things that happens at each election with the losing parties accusing the winners of having robbed them of their victory.
The allegations and counter-allegations, however, underline the need for the establishment of an independent Election Commission. As it is, even if the EC wants to hold investigations into Opposition complaints, since it has no staff of its own it will have to depend on the government resources. And hence the findings of such an inquiry may not be any different from what has already been declared to be the electorate's verdict.
There is a clear and strong case for an independent Election Commission.
A particularly disturbing aspect of both phases of these elections has been the loss of life, mostly in Punjab. According to press reports, at least 29 people were killed, 19 of them in Punjab alone, and 120 were injured in various parts of the country in the course of the second phase of polls.
The first phase was reported to have claimed at least eleven (some reports put the figure at 14 or 15) lives while many others were wounded. Interior Minister Aftab Ahmad Khan Sherpao put the second round casualty figure at 19, and tried to downplay its significance by blaming it on an entrenched 'biradari' system, especially in Punjab.
Earlier, despite eleven (or more) deaths, Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz as well as the Acting Chief Election Commissioner, Justice Abdul Hamid Dogar, had expressed their satisfaction at the conduct of the elections, calling them 'peaceful' and describing the violence as something that does happen during elections.
It is sad indeed that as far as these leaders are concerned the loss of so many lives is not worth even a few words of regret; instead it is being presented as a normal 'biradari' system related problem and hence understandable as something expected at election time.
To say the least at this point, the government must deal with the issue with the seriousness it demands, and set up an independent commission, as suggested by some, to establish the factors that are responsible for the ugly violence that marred both phases of the local bodies elections.
Also, it is important to ensure that the district and town nazims, to be elected next month, pay attention to the issues that confront the people at the grass roots level rather than to see the office as an opportunity to make money.
This is necessary in view of reports that many legislators in the assemblies as well as ministers had indicated an interest in sliding on the power structure ladder all the way down to the local government wrung, because the nazims receive around Rs 50 million each to spend in their areas.
The money, of course, is meant for infrastructure and other development projects, but, in many a case, it has been finding its way into the pockets of local government heads, which has turned the office of nazim into a mouth-watering position for some public leaders.
Apparently, the Prime Minister is seized of the problem; that is why he had recently spoken of the need to set up an audit system to check local bodies accounts. The measure must be put in place without any further let or hindrance.