At any point of time, London acts as a 'safe haven' - mostly in the name of political asylum - for some two thousand fugitives from justice. If and when convicted (highly unlikely to be tried in the first place) Pervez Musharraf, like most of them, may remain beyond the reach of Pakistani law. As national politics tends to evolve and our friends in the desert kingdom have revived their interest in ensuring Pakistan's political stability, the retired General has nothing to fear.
But we would advise him to hold his tongue and rest his body. Let history give its verdict. After all, Idi Amin, Ferdinand Marcos and the Shah of Iran also escaped trials in their countries and quietly descended in the dustbin of history. But that doesn't seem to be the case with him as if he is itching for 'martyrdom'.
Given the ambivalence permeating the corridors of power in the twin-cities of Islamabad and Rawalpindi, he may be spared a trial for treason for violating the Constitution, a fact established by the Supreme Court's July-31 landmark verdict. But what to do if he has, this time violated the oath of his office, as president of Pakistan, by revealing some vital state secrets, or by misstating facts causing irreparable damage to national interests.
In his interview, aired by a private TV channel, Pervez Musharraf has said two new things that, irrespective of being true or otherwise, tend to seriously undermine national security. First, he said, in so many words, that Pakistan has used the arms, supplied by the United States to combat terrorism, to strengthen defence against India. And as if to lend credibility to his assertion, Musharraf then boasted he "did not care" whether the US would be angered by his disclosure.
Of course, the Americans would not be angry with him for that all that he has done for them in their war on terror, but the Pakistanis should be. The reason is obvious. For quite some time Pakistani leadership has been asking the United States for sophisticated weapons and technology, including drone technology, for more effective action against terrorists and militants in the tribal Wild West.
But the US has dithered, believing Pakistan would deploy these weapons on its eastern border with India. With the ex-president now disclosing that earlier such military aid was diverted away from the war on terror, what possibility is now left to get such sophisticated arms from United States?
The other dangerous disclosure Pervez Musharraf has made, through his interview, is the claim that during his tenure, Pakistan's nuclear programme was 'so advanced that scientists had not only begun enriching uranium, but had also developed plutonium-based weapons'. Intriguingly, Pervez Musharraf's disclosure that Pakistan has plutonium-based weapons comes only a week after Indian Army Chief Deepak Kapoor's statement that 'if reports of Pakistan's expanded nuclear arsenal are correct, India may have to revisit India's no-first use policy'.
It is intriguing also because Musharraf's revelation of an active plutonium programme is bound to undercut Pakistan's position at the forthcoming UN Security Council-sponsored anti-proliferation conference where President Obama is expected to interact with global nuclear stakeholders. Hasn't he violated his constitutional oath of office by making such a disclosure? As for Pakistan's foreign policy, in these testing times Pervez Musharraf is acting like a bull in a china shop.
By lapping up log, stock and barrel the United States' anti-Taliban policy in the region he has already done tremendous damage to Pakistan; hardly anything is left for his further tinkering. That he handed over the airbases of Shamsi and Jacobabad to Americans as appeasement, otherwise they would have attacked Pakistan - appears to be far-fetched. Much smaller countries have defied US imperialism much more bravely. Not that the world's fifth largest army could not defend Pakistan's borders.
Pervez Musharraf had capitulated to receive, in return, US parental care and above all legitimisation of his coup against an elected government by Western powers. What the Pakistani nation inherited as his legacy, he need not tell us; we experience that on a daily basis. We would urge him to hold his tongue. He has said enough. He has said enough rude things. But if at all he feels he has a juicy story to tell, let him come over and contest what the apex court of Pakistan has decided about him.