Six days on, the tsunami of revelations released by the WikiLeaks is still raging with full fury; nor are any signs of its relenting or retreating. What has been released so far is said to be just the tip of the iceberg. What is still in store, we don't know.
But, certainly, the much-feared negative fallout spawned by these revelations on the image of governance in various countries and inter-state relationships is gradually losing its impact. The people have begun saying 'We knew it; WikiLeaks is only confirming what we knew'. Yes, that is largely correct but, it would be too simplistic a stance. The fact is that under the influence of the WikiLeaks revelations the gossip appears to be turning into fact, baring the sharp edges of realpolitik that calls the final shots in the art of diplomacy.
Indeed, the openness that had come to permeate the foreign missions' interaction with the host societies, thanks to the demise of Cold War international politics, when the diplomats' forte was their cloak and dagger assignments, has received a serious setback. Attendance and conversations are much guarded - at least for the time being. But over time things will change and as US Ambassador Cameron said the other day, the "WikiLeaks will soon be part of history". But will it also kill altruism entertained by all those who uphold the WikiLeaks' revelations as fulfilment of the democratic process that the people should be in the complete picture of what their elected governments think and do, that's in the unknown future.
As to how various countries and governments have reacted to the revelations made by the WikiLeaks' whistle-blowing web, the ongoing extensive public debate in Pakistan can be treated as a case in point. A number of governments, some of them known for their disregard for public sentiment, have just turned a deaf ear and blind eye to the leaks that relate to them. Some insist that these are part of an international conspiracy with motives they don't make public. But many, relatively more open and sensitive to public sentiments, have put across their positions.
But the media by and large, all over the world have shown no inhibition to reveal the crux of the WikiLeaks' disclosures on a day-to-day basis, vindicating the standpoint that in functioning democracies, governance should be for an all-to-see affair. Where does the Gilani government stand on this we don't know, given that it refused to admit that the Friday meeting of the Defence Committee of Cabinet discussed the WikiLeaks revelations as against the widely reported news that this was on the table and was discussed? Perhaps, the inhibitory factor was the reality that the WikiLeaks had almost exclusively focused on the same individuals who sat in that meeting. We believe making some comment howsoever laconic was a better option than maintaining the silence of an accused.
The Pakistani public and media are absolutely full-throated on the WikiLeaks. Former army chief General Mirza Aslam Beg believes that WikiLeaks is the devil's advocate as "it confirms the obvious...it is a cover-up for the shame of the defeat in Afghanistan, the war in Iraq and the 2006 Israeli aggression against Lebanon". General Nishat Ahmed (retired), former president of the Institute of Regional Studies, thinks that these revelations are not something new but what the WikiLeaks has done is to clothe speculation with factuality, adding that these leaks would have no lasting impact. And, the Lahore High Court has rejected a petition seeking ban on WikiLeaks, observing that 'the exposure of a few people would benefit the entire nation'. Since the WikiLeaks theatre is expected to continue, a wider variety of reactions to its products are expected. But, as that happens, certain trends and mindsets do emerge from these revelations.
For one, it has become evident that in Pakistan, consequent to the elections, the civilians do form the government, but they don't come to power as that remains the military's preserve - so much so that the army chief is believed to be powerful enough to ask the elected president to step down. The impression that the army has withdrawn from politics stands nullified, exposing the fragility of the present democratic architecture. All this happens in the ambience of a puppet show, with Washington occupying the front-row seat. And also, as part of the pantomime the puppets are allowed complete sway over the nation's wealth. Then, the revelations made by the WikiLeaks regarding the power-seekers making presentations to the US ambassador to prove their suitability is rather bizarre.
That one of them should be Maulana Fazlur Rehman is indeed mind-boggling. For all practical purposes, Ambassador Anne Patterson was treated as a viceroy, with authority to decorate the natives with robes of distinction. And, finally, what we know is that President Zardari would like his sister to be his successor, and none else. No wonder, his wish is in line with the late Benazir Bhutto's will, who had nominated her husband as her successor.