Essentially, the "Commissionerate System" refers to the division of a province into a number of administratively convenient units and further sub-division into districts and sub districts (tehsil or taluka) and placing them under the control of career civil servants who are selected on merit through public service commissions and trained in civil, criminal revenue and local government laws, and norms of public service.
The system is designed to deliver various services to people through government departments co-ordinated, for effectiveness, by the commissioners, deputy Commissioners and sub-divisional officers without discrimination or political, social, religious bias.
This system was not invented by the British as is commonly understood. They merely improved and refined the then prevailing Paragna system in stages, as the need arose. In the Paragna system also, India was divided into convenient revenue estates and placed under officials selected not on the basis of competitive merit but on the basis of loyalty to the king and his nominated regional heads called "mansabdars". It was the British who, for the first time, introduced the system of recruitment on merit through public service commissions determined on the basis of open competitive examinations. Idealism and aptitude for public service among those selected from the young university graduates was inculcated through training at various stages. Civil servants were trained and groomed not to perpetuate the rule of a King but, contradictory as it may seem, to strengthen the state and to administer effectively, with checks and balances, to guard against misapplication of laws and rules by all departments working in the field and to protect the people from their high-handedness.
A strong system of accountability was also established through administrative tribunals, judicial probes and oversight by the elected representatives of the people through ministers and chief ministers. The whole system was viewed as the steel-frame not just for colonial India but also for the succeeding governments of the sub-continent modelled on the Westminster parliamentary traditions, as it has, indeed, for India, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.
So was it also in Pakistan, despite the political upheavals? Amid rising and falling party governments, the common man knew which institutional head to approach for his needs and problems. Commissioners and deputy commissioners and sub-divisional officers had adequate legal powers and influence and tactics to deal with local issues to the satisfaction of the people without reference to the provincial headquarters. These career officials were also the eyes and ears of the government and were equipped through training and experience to sense any issue turning into a serious problem and they took timely measures to nip it in the bud by using their own resources or seeking help from the government, in time, before it got out of hand.
The system provided timely remedy to the people and, at the same time, saved the government from facing ugly and embarrassing situations demanding costly solutions.
The system was most effective in maintenance of law and order. The police force was commanded by officers who were in constant liaison with commissioners and deputy commissioners and at the lower levels who were more conversant with rural and urban structures. They spoke the local language and were familiar with usage and local customs of the area and did not rely for their guidance merely on the laid down regulations. When it came to the welfare of the people, most among them showed initiative and courage enough to side-step the regulations without breaching the spirit of the law.
Being neutral, the officials inspired greater confidence and credibility in enforcing order and taking timely action before any problem grew bigger. Their actions were also largely seen as impartial and, therefore, supported by the people irrespective of party affiliations.
The system is time tested. Immediately after the partition, when millions of people streamed into Pakistan, and the state institutions were still very weak, yet the system was able to provide the much needed food and shelter and rehabilitation to refugees in a short period of time. The political governments, and military rulers during frequent interruptions, remained embroiled in their own survival issues in the Assemblies or other power corridors while the day-to- day business of the state was conducted and co-ordinated at local levels by provincial administrators without adverse effect on the lives of the people.
The system suffered a great damage after the drastic changes made by General Musharraf's "Devolution" plan of 2001, under which relatively junior, untrained and inexperienced officers were placed under the control of indirectly elected Nazims at district level. The relationship of police with the magistrates was severed and the force was placed under an ambiguous Police Safety Commission.
The new system was hailed by its sponsors as a panacea for all the ills of the country. Even the best among the Nazims were partisan and did not possess the requisite training, experience, much less vision, of leading a professional district bureaucracy to serve all people irrespective of political considerations. Resultantly, the system of governance with which the common people were familiar became a far cry and the burden of resolving even local issues that called for impartial handling fell on provincial and federal governments. With that the government priorities changed, detracting government attention from bigger economic and political issues which grew only bigger and more complex leading to national discontent.
The situation in the tribal areas bordering Afghanistan got even worse as the Commissioner, who was the kingpin of the tribal governance was abolished without even a semblance of replacement. A vacuum was thus created which has been progressively filled up by elements hostile to government and eager to exploit the situation in Afghanistan and our tribes after the launch of al Qaeda hunt policy by the US and its allies to safeguard their own strategic interests. That was the time to strengthen the traditionally, accepted system to give moral and physical support to our loyal tribesmen to resist infiltration of terrorists and of al Qaeda who have only brought death and misery to our loyal and proud tribesmen. Even though the Commissioners exercised their influence in the tribal areas indirectly through forces and tools different from those available in the settled districts, it was effective and constituted a vital link between the government and the tribes. It also needs to be borne in mind that the provincial assemblies of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan have no role under the laws and constitution in these areas and the administration of these areas vests in the Governors of the two provinces who exercised their authority through the Commissioners and the Political Agents. The governance in this most sensitive and vulnerable part of Pakistan, by virtue of the law and agreements between the government and the tribes, had to be through a system which was in accord with the laws and covenants which respected their traditional freedom and their highly cherished values enshrined in the tribal code of honour. The commissioners and political agents administered with this ideal in view and served the tribes well. The vacuum filled by fighters and brokers of all varieties will take a long time to be replaced by the patriotic fervour of our tribes, albeit with patience, love, sympathy and 'consistency shown by the government through the restored system of governance.
(The writer is former Civil Servant. He has held prestigious assignments including: Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister, Defence Secretary and Chief Secretary Sindh).