While recently accepting the "Bangladesh Liberation War Honour" on behalf of a predecessor, Atal Behari Vajpayee, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi fondly reminisced how right from the beginning of his political career he was passionate about the cause. He said that he had actively worked for the "liberation of Bangladesh in 1971, and that like every Indian, it was his desire to see the establishment of Bangladesh". He claimed credit for the Indian army's role in the break-up of Pakistan, saying that Indian soldiers shed their blood fighting side by side the Mukti Bahini fighters.
These are all facts of history. There is no mystery about that India exploited the deep sense of alienation which existed in the erstwhile East Pakistan to instigate insurgency, train and arm fighters; nor that the Indian army fought alongside the Bengali rebels; nor that the Indian army presided over the surrender event in Dhaka. Yet his remarks triggered a storm of protests in this country. The Foreign Office also jumped in, saying that the Indian premier's comments "only confirmed Pakistan's stance on India's negative role against a sovereign neighbouring state." The FO spokesman urged the international community to take notice of India's admission of interference in the former East Pakistan.
Modi's remarks have rankled people in this country not only because they are about a painful part of this country's history, but because they are reflective of Modi's state of mind and what he could still do now that he himself is the Prime Minister of India. A while ago, he was asked by an Indian TV show host what would he have done after the Mumbai attacks had he been the PM. Mocking the then premier Dr Manmohan Singh, he said "instead of whimpering in Washington, I would have gone straight to Pakistan, and done the same what I did in Gujarat." In the heat of the moment, he even admitted guilt for the 2002 anti-Muslim pogrom as chief minister of Gujarat after having pleaded innocence before the courts.
'Going to Pakistan' sounds empty rhetoric since an open attack is not doable for the obvious risks involved. That though does not mean Modi has given up trying the idea. Just last month his defence minister, Manohar Parrikar, publicly acknowledged using terrorism to undermine this country as he averred "we have to neutralise terrorists through terrorists only. Why can't we do it? We should do it, why does my soldier have to do it." Minister Parrikar, of course, does not seem to care, or even know, that 'doing it' is both immoral and illegal. He left no doubt about involvement in causing terror in this country saying "there are certain things that I obviously cannot discuss here, but if there is any country planning something against my country, we will definitely take some proactive steps."
In simple words, terrorism is the Modi government's weapon of choice against Pakistan. Like most religious fanatics of all stripes he is aggressive, and to make matters worse, extremely conscious of his country's important status in the international arena, which gives him arrogance and the assurance that his government can get away with criminal behaviour. People of his type cannot move forward without wanting to settle the real or perceived wrongs of the past. Pakistan is to remain in his crosshairs.
Last year, when he became prime minister there was some hope that the demands of the new office would moderate the extremist in him; and that like his BJP predecessor Atal Behari Vajpayee, he might take bold steps to make peace with Pakistan. Consistent with his credentials, however, Narendra Modi has been demonstrating that he has no interest in normalising relations with Pakistan. On the key issue of dispute between the two countries, Kashmir, instead of taking any step forward he took several steps back by upping the tensions along the Line of Control; trying to change the occupied Jammu and Kashmir's separate status within India's own context; and suspending the reluctantly resumed dialogue process altogether after Pakistan's High Commissioner in Delhi held a customary meeting with Hurriyat Conference leaders prior to scheduled foreign secretaries talks.
Narendra Modi clearly is not the man to have a meaningful dialogue with this country. Instead as indicated by his defence minister, he is willing to go to any lengths to cause trouble, that is, if his people are not already busy trying to destabilise Pakistan through terrorist violence. That though is not to lay the entire blame for our problems on India. What we are experiencing is the outcome of Islamabad and Rawalpindi's own follies.
Staying in a perpetual conflict with Pakistan is not in India's own interest. Unfortunately, Modi lacks the capacity to rise above the far right Hindu nationalist agenda of his alma mater, RSS. He has surrounded himself with hard-liners like external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj, one of the BJP leaders known to have blocked the 2002 Musharraf-Vajpayee agreement at Agra. Most other cabinet members are of the same ilk. Hence, we should not be surprised by what Prime Minister Modi had to say in Bangladesh. We can forget the peace process as long as he is at the helm. It may not be easy to ignore his provocative behaviour; but Pakistan should learn to deal with it, raising voice of protest in the relevant international forums, and focusing all the time on putting the domestic scene in order.
saida_fazal@yahoo.com