"Instead of viewing the Iranian President's visit to Pakistan as a normal diplomatic occurrence, we must view it as an opportunity to move forward our bilateral relations by many leaps," the Institute for Policy Reforms (IPR) said ahead of the visit of Iranian President Hassan Rouhani, who is due on Friday.
The brief written by Pakistan's former Ambassador to United States Ashraf Jehangir Qazi, asserts that Pakistan must prioritize its "own national interests above those of foreign patrons". Iranian President's visit should be seen as a harbinger of a sea change in our bilateral relations. The two countries can significantly contribute to peace, stability, and prosperity in our region.
Several factors have prevented the relationship from growing into a strong strategic and economic partnership. For Pakistan, sectarian tensions and Arab influence are Pakistan's concerns. Iran's concerns included our pre-9/11 support for the Taliban. During the era of the Shah, Iran saw itself as prosperous and heir to a great civilisation. It could not alienate a culturally comparable India for the sake of Pakistan.
Despite political differences, it is much easier to shift to a win-win strategy within a geo-economic context than it is in an exclusively geo-political or geo-strategic context. This shift is an absolute imperative for strategic success in the far more complex and integrated world of the 21st Century. Moreover, strategically upgrading our relations with Iran does not imply any downgrading of our relations with our Arab brethren provided we credibly assert the independence of our national policies, the brief said.
As per brief, there are plans for a five-year road map to take bilateral trade with Iran from its current pathetic $250 million to $5 billion per annum. Banking channels and much more reliable data on border trade and smuggling will be required on which to base trade and investment strategies. Moreover, financing for the much-delayed Iran-Pakistan (IP) pipeline may be more feasible now that international sanctions against Iran have been lifted. Gwadar and Chabahar can become sister ports to handle anticipated rapid increases in regional trade and economic flows.
"US shifted its emphasis to Iran's alleged nuclear programme. The Iran-backed proposal for a Nuclear Weapons Free Zone in the Middle East could have easily addressed the issue. But the US was only interested in regime change in Tehran and preserving Israel's nuclear arsenal. Iran, accordingly, was subjected to economically crushing sanctions. At present, the regional civil war situation has worsened with the rise of ISIS and Saudi attempts to raise a Sunni military coalition against Iran under the beguiling cover of a war against terror," The brief said.
The brief adds "Pakistan has skilfully resisted being drawn into such regional military entanglements." With gradual lifting of sanctions, the situation in Iran has eased. President Rouhani's visit is taking place with the region still hostage to the uncertain Syrian and Afghan situations. The leadership of Iran and Pakistan must co-ordinate to navigate this treacherous political landscape of their shared region. Accordingly, the more positive prospect of enhancing regional connectivity through initiatives such as China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and other trans-regional energy projects should provide the geo-economic context for Pakistan's future relations with all its neighbours, including Iran.
The brief also discusses the positives between Pakistan and Iran relations which includes in 1947, Iran was the first country to recognise Pakistan. Soon after, international economic and strategic treaties bound the two countries. Iran provided military assistance to Pakistan in its 1965 conflict with India. In 1971, it helped broker a rapprochement between Pakistan and the Soviet Union to avert war with India.
The Islamic Revolution of 1979 in Iran made Sunni elites nervous. The revolution's rallying point was Muslim unity versus Western hegemony and their collaborators at home. Sunni leaders in the region portrayed it as Shia insurgency. In essence, this was contrived narrative to protect elite interests. Similarly, US suspicions arose because of the embassy seizure and its fear that Iran would spread the virus of independent religious nationalism in the oil rich Middle East.
Inevitably, Pakistan's dependent and nervous political elite submitted to the persuasions of the West and Gulf states. The two countries supported different Mujahidin groups in Soviet occupied Afghanistan. Wary of Iran, some Middle Eastern nations poured large sums to create Salafi-based political culture in largely Sunni Afghanistan and Pakistan. Ignoring possible blowback, 'Pakistan was drawn onto this sectarian maelstrom'. Understanding and trust between Pakistan and Iran deteriorated.
The context of the visit of the Iran President is important. By removing Saddam and Mullah Omar, the US unwittingly did a major service for Iran. But the historical ties between the clergies of Iran and Iraq prevented Iraq from becoming a US client regime. However, US plans for regime change in Tehran remained.