The bloody 2007

Last Monday, the target of terrorism was an army football team in Kohat. A suicide bomber, believed to be in his teens, somehow entered the high-security military complex and blew himself up close to the players who were returning to their barracks after the morning exercise drill. Twelve of them were killed and two seriously injured.
A day before, two suicide bombings were carried out in the Quetta cantonment area, causing about a dozen fatalities, including civilian and military. Earlier during the week terrorists had hit with weird regularity areas inside military installations or very close to them in what appears to be yet another spurt of violence against the security forces.
In the meanwhile, reports from the tribal areas say that Baitullah Mehsud has succeeded in putting together a joint force comprising some forty Taliban outfits to unleash more violence against the government. After testing its newly acquired strength by attacking a few check posts and moving military targets, he has announced a unilateral moratorium till the first of next year. How violent would be the year 2008 we cannot predict with any degree of certainty, but as the figures recently put out by the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) show 2007 has been an extremely gory year.
According to the FIA chief, during the year 563 persons were killed and 1378 injured in 52 suicide attacks against security personnel and civilians. Explosive-laden vehicles were used in 21 attacks on the army convoys and military installations. The police were targeted in 10 blasts while 13 attacks were carried out on military convoys and garrisons. Civilian targets of suicide bombings included the October 18 rally of Benazir Bhutto, two ex-federal ministers from the NWFP, a mosque and a school bus.
These are disturbing statistics. Given the sectarian divide Pakistan had inherited from the pre-Independence era, terrorism as such was never something unusual. But its ferocity since 9/11 as a fallout flowing in from neighbouring Afghanistan is unprecedented. With a near-complete elimination of al Qaeda from Pakistan in pursuance of Pakistan's cooperation with the United States in the war on terror, incidence of terrorism was expected to decline, but it did not.
The local Taliban of various denominations had stepped in, and incidents like aerial action by coalition forces against the seminaries located in tribal areas and the Lal Masjid episode only helped intensify the confrontation, which then spilled over to almost all over the country. Swat Valley that recently experienced a bloody bout of lethal clashes between the Taliban and security forces has not yet fully recovered, while terrorist incidents are being reported from elsewhere in the country.
Then there is a full-blown insurgency in Balochistan, generating terrorism against the government, particularly the security personnel. There, too, the prime targets appear to be military convoys and men in uniform. The irony of the situation is that an issue so crucial to national unity is being tackled only through military means. If at all some political channels are employed, these are generally of low level, often giving the impression that these are a mere eyewash. In the case of Balochistan, even parliament-level moves have been short-changed.
So the war goes on; one suicide bombing coming within hours of another. On both sides of the battle line are Pakistanis involved in murderous struggle. It remains an enigma as to why political efforts to contain these incidents, which appear to be fast acquiring the semblance of insurgency rather than a terrorist activity, are not being made. It is all the more puzzling that political parties have become absolutely indifferent to this suicidal long play.
By now there should have been a serious-minded political move made in tandem with the military action to find a lasting solution to the imbroglio, which has acquired the form and language of terrorism. We do hear of jirgas moving to and fro but invariably they have failed, except sometimes in securing a cease-fire or release of prisoners and hostages. A national level drive to bring the Taliban force onto the table is conspicuously missing yet. Taliban is a reality and it has to be tackled accordingly.