Pakistan: the identity issue

The establishment of Pakistan was a history-making event. It represented a new nationalism based on the concept of the separate socio-cultural and political identity of the Muslims of British India, who sought a better and secure future for themselves. Their identity was greatly influenced by Islamic teachings and cultural heritage, history, and especially the nostalgia of Muslim rule in India.
The key question is how far a distinct socio-cultural identity and a sense of history can become a durable basis of nationhood? British India was a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi-religion state, but only the Muslims pursued their identity issues so seriously. Initially, they demanded safeguards for protecting and advancing their identity, rights and interests. Later, they opted for a separate homeland.
This question of a separate homeland for the Muslims attracted a lot of attention because a section of the Muslims of British India did not support the movement for establishment of Pakistan. Even today, the numerical strength of India's Muslim population is close to Pakistan's Muslim population. Can they or should they demand a separate state? Does every ethnic or religious identity have a separate homeland?
The identities, based on ethnicity, language, region and religion, exist all over the world, all the time. Even after the establishment of Pakistan in 1947, India and Pakistan continue to be multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi-religion states. The political relevance of identities varies over time. In some cases, the identities influence the electoral behaviour or a country may face inter-ethnic or inter-religion violence. The identities can also produce dissident and separatist movements. Some identities may work towards the protection of its rights and interests in an already existing state.
The importance of an identity as a mark of political identity and an instrument of political mobilisation may change over time. An identity may be relevant in one context. However, when the political context changes, it may lose its relevance and some other factors or identities may become politically relevant.
The best illustration of the changing importance of an identity is the role of Islam in the national identity of the Muslims of East Bengal. In 1947, the Bengali Muslims opted for Pakistan nationalism, based primarily on an Islamic identity.
Their separate language and ethnicity existed at that time, but these identities did not have political relevance in the context of 1947. In 1971, Bengali language and ethnicity became the basis of Bangladesh's nationalism. Islam lost its relevance as an instrument of political identity, although the Bengali of the then East Pakistan were predominantly Muslim. By 1977-78, Bangladesh began to invoke Islam to articulate its identity separate from the Bengalis of West Bengal. Now, in 2010, the Awami League government, led by Sheikh Hasina, is endeavouring to return Bangladesh to its secular roots. However, this is going to be a controversial exercise and it will face opposition from non-Awami League circles. The identity debate will persist in Bangladesh.
Three Factors: Three factors play an important role in shaping the process of identity formation and the political role such an identity. These factors are the elite perception and their articulation of the identity, based on the vision of history and the concerns for the future; political and economic context which changes over time; and the political experience of the community.
The roots of Muslim socio-cultural identity go back to the period of the advent of Islam in South Asia. Islam came to India in phases of three kinds: the arrival of Arab traders on western coastline, the attack by Muhammad bin Qasim, and the migrations from Iran, Central Asia and Afghanistan in the form of armed invasions and the arrival of sufis and saints for preaching Islam. A large number of those who came to India from the North in one form or the other got settled here and became part of the society. Muslim rule, spread over several centuries, left strong a imprint on society and the people. A large number of people converted to Islam from other Indian religions.
There was an overlap among various religious communities, because of topography, physical environment, and mutual interaction. While converting to Islam, many people carried over their old customs. The "carry-over" phenomenon was more common in case the whole family did not convert to Islam; some relatives continued with the old religion.
Despite the overlap, Muslims maintained their district core identity that distinguished them from other communities. Muslim identity began to acquire political relevance in post-1858 British India, when the British Government directly assumed the responsibilities of its colony.
The British embarked on establishing a modern colonial state system, with a rational-legal authority, role differentiation of various government functionaries, professional civil services, recruited through open competition and a limited electoral system. The changed political and administrative context generated competition among the Muslims and the Hindus. The Muslim elite realised that they were at a disadvantage, because of their backwardness in modern education as compared to the Hindus and their smaller population placed them at a permanent advantage in an electoral contest.
The Muslim elite concentrated on modern education and they advised other Muslims to stay away from the Congress party that, in their view, did not show any interest in addressing the Muslim problems in the changed Indian political context.
They soon realized, through political experience, that they would have to articulate a Muslim socio-cultural and political identity, rights and interests. This meant that they needed political engagement with the British and the Indian National Congress on these issues.
It was not, therefore, surprising that the Muslim elite demanded the introduction of separate electorate for the Muslims and established an exclusively Muslim political party, the All-India Muslim League, in December 1906. The British conceded the Muslim demand for a separate electorate in the Government of India Act, 1909.
Initially, the Muslim elite thought that their distinct identity, rights and interests would be adequately protected if they are given constitutional and legal guarantees and safeguards. They also favoured a federal system with autonomy to the provinces, hoping that this would enable them to run their own affairs in at least Muslim-majority provinces. These ideas were repeatedly advocated by the Muslim elite from time to time, from the beginning of the second decade of the 20th Century. This perspective reflected in the Lucknow Pact (1916), Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah's Fourteen Points (1929) and the Roundtable Conferences (1930-1932). The Muslim League contested the 1937 provincial elections for advancing these issues and demands.
It was the political experience of the Muslim elite that led them to realise that the Congress Party would not accommodate Muslims concerns and demands in any constitutional arrangements. Rather, the Congress leadership continued to question the legitimacy of the Muslim League leadership to speak on behalf of the Muslims. They were confident that they would be able to push aside the Muslim League leaders, with the support of a section of the Muslim elite that supported the Congress.
The fear of being overwhelmed by an unsympathetic majority led the Muslim League to demand a separate state of Pakistan as their homeland in March 1940. The demand for a separate sovereign state was the change in the strategy of the Muslim elite. However, their goal remained the same, ie protect and advance their identity, rights and interests of the Muslims. This change of strategy was the outcome of the political experience of the last two decades.
Once the Muslim League demanded the establishment of a separate state, the Muslim elite engaged in popular mobilisation to strengthen the credibility of its demand. They engaged in two inter-related processes. First, they articulated a new nationalism as a counter to the uni-nation nationalism of the Congress Party. The alternate nationalism that described the Muslims as a separate nation derived legitimacy from the Islamic socio-cultural heritage, history and a desire for the revival of the Muslims.
Second, the Muslim elite decided to mobilise the ordinary Muslims in favour of the demand for a separate homeland. They knew that their demand would not carry much weight, without building widespread popular support. The leadership began to use Islamic idiom and references in order to establish a close rapport with the common people and convinced them that a separate homeland would offer a better future to all. The Muslim League transformed itself into the most popular Muslim political party in a period of seven years, 1940-47.
The Muslim League's resounding victory in the provincial elections and its excellent performance in the elections to the constituent assembly in 1946 strengthened the demand for the establishment of Pakistan. Without the electoral triumph, the Muslim League would have found it very difficult to pursue its demand for a separate state.
Another factor that helped to achieve the goal of Pakistan was the territorial basis of the demand. The geographical contiguity of the Muslim majority provinces in the north-west helped to achieve the goal. In the case of East Bengal, it was one compact territorial unit. Had the Muslim majority regions been dispersed with no direct geographical links, the Muslims could not have succeeded in getting their country. Territorial contiguity of the Muslim majority provinces in the north-west provided a territorial basis to the new state.
Post-Independence Context: The factors that contributed to creating harmony amongst them and mobilised them for the Pakistan demand lost some of their effectiveness in the post-independence period because the political context had changed.
The two-nation theory remains integral to Pakistani mindset as a historical reality. However, the political experience of the post-independence generation will have greater implications for shaping their disposition towards the Pakistani state and society than what they read in the books about the pre-independence period.
Pakistan's diversified people will be influenced by the current political realities. Therefore, the quality of governance and political management is critical to the future of Pakistan. Other crucial issues are constitutionalism, the rule of law, civil and political rights and genuinely representative character of the leadership. It is important that regional, ethnic and linguistic diversities are accommodated within a shared constitutional framework.
Internal coherence and stability can be promoted if these identities gain positive experience in the economic and political domains and they feel that their opportunities will expand through mutual cooperation. What Pakistan needs today is a strong sense of history to recognise how and why Pakistan was created as well as positive political experiences for the diversified population in the present Pakistani context.