Now that PM Khan is coming to grips with the harsh realities of the nuts and bolts of government, he has finally realised that the finance ministry does not have trained economists. In fact, according to a recent media report, the PM “was surprised” over the lack of macroeconomic experts and other subject matter specialists in the Q-Block.
Well, dear PM, welcome to reality! Q-block is not the only place that lacks sectoral specialists; secretariats in Islamabad and in provinces are full of such blocks. The unfortunate bit is that hardly anyone in this country has put the issue on the reform discourse agenda, sans perhaps Nadeem ul-Haque and Ishrat Hussain – the former more so than the latter.
This is perhaps why the PM was reportedly surprised, because politicians usually get briefings on topics that can fetch highest media spotlight. Hence, the media is also responsible for not giving the issue enough spotlights. If only playing ostrich was a solution!
Within the limited that media allocates for social and economic issues, most of the time is dedicated to flagging the issue than the solution, where civil service reforms holds the key. For example, too much time is spent on electricity tariffs and supply of availability than fixing the power regulation structure. Few people know that the last government had taken loans from the Asian Development Bank to fix public sector enterprises but did not even select the sectors for which specialists could be consulted to devise a restructuring plan.
Governance has a direct relationship with the quality of human life of which one way of measurement is the SDGs or HDI, weak performance in which PM Khan often flags in his public statements. Yet there isn’t enough discourse on public service reforms.
The trouble with governance reforms that it is a long-haul process. Difficult measures have to be taken in year one so some of the fruits – emphasis on some - could be reaped by the end of the five-year electoral cycle. Recall that Ishrat Hussain in his capacity as the head of National Commission for Government Reforms had rightly pointed out that the NCGR reform package is both ambitious and politically difficult to implement in the short run. “It has therefore to be phased over a period of 5-10 years with adjustments and fine tuning to meet the exigencies of circumstances.”
Ten years is a long time. But if politicians try finding a shorter way, they either goof-up or fall prey to the exigencies of the existing tribes of civil servants – the likes of DMG - who have a firm grip on their end of the state structure. A grip they cannot be expected to lose control of so easily. The Shahbaz model of making authorities in his last tenure in Punjab is one such example where civil servants take a leave from their line and are parked in authorities or companies with significantly higher pay.
As a result, progress stumbles and falls. Even if politicians appoint someone subject matter specialist as a lateral entry, the bureaucrats make their life difficult. The P-block is a classic example of it, where the appointment of a non-civil servant as Planning Commission’s chief economist remains fraught with problems tenure after tenure. The bureaucrats lack the capacity to be a chief economist whereas outsiders are given a difficult time.
If that isn’t enough the accountability mechanism, increasingly famous for tight noose even for trivial affairs, as well as low pay scales ensures that disincentives for professionals to join public civil service remain significantly high. Little wonder then appointments like the chief economist at P-Block remain vacant until such time some woos in a candidate on personal association, following which a cry of nepotism starts soaking up the little space for discourse that media and civil society has for socio-economic issues. In such a hostile environment, which professional, especially from the Pakistani diaspora outside will want to come back to Pakistan and work here.
Add to all this is the reality that a lot of governance reforms have to happen at second and third tier of governments – provincial and local - which is no easy feat. It does only require the centre to have specialists of decentralisation of public service and coordination thereof among the provinces; it also requires the provinces to play their role, whereas the PTI has a majority only in two provinces.
The road to civil service reforms is long and messy as Nadeem Ul-Haque pointed out in his recent interview with BR Research (See Brief Recording section Oct 19, 2018). It will not be possible without putting the issue as a top agenda item and generating debate and discussions around the subject, including on the media and in the parliament. This is important not only to get ideas for reforms, but also, equally important, to create awareness in the wider public that mistakes will made. After all, we are talking about fixing and eventually a 19-century vehicle so it can run in the 21st century. The PTI needs to learn that effective communication has to go beyond putting up its 100-day agenda tracker website (http://pm100days .pmo.gov.pk/)
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