Next Generation

A compendium of opinion poll numbers is a strange thing to look at and The British Council’s ‘Next Generation Goes to the Ballot’ is no exception.
First, some consistent responses that is somewhat inconsistent with the popular perception. Pakistani youth is pessimistic, across gender, cultural and regional divide. This may mean that contrary to all the hype of ‘change’, the only change this country will see is in the heads.
Similarly, only a quarter of urban youth are interested in politics and only a third are excited to vote at the upcoming elections. This too, goes against the popular excitement that a Youth Election is on the cards.
Another strange fact is division of youth preference in three distinct political systems; democracy (29 percent of those polled), military rule (32 percent) and Islamic Shariah (38 percent).
The good thing, however, is that the fact that a good 61 percent plan or may plan to vote. Considering that 70 percent of those polled are either religious (53 percent) or conservative/traditional (17 percent), this means that political preference for military rule and Islamic Shariah do not necessarily translate into abstinence from voting.
Sticking to Shariah, one rather bizarre reading emerges from the polls. More than half of those polled report that Islamic Shariah (as political system) would promote moral behaviour (51 percent) and uphold religious values (56 percent). Yet only 39 percent say that Islamic Shariah will be capable of eradicating corruption.
Do some think that reducing corruption is not a part of Islam? Do they think that Shariah will be ineffective in controlling something that could be called one of Islam’s main mandates and instead be better able to foster economic growth? Or perhaps they think that military rule can do a better job in eradicating corruption.
Another strange reading is relatively higher level of trust on provincial institutions. While only 14 percent of youth polled have termed national government and national assembly as ‘favourable’, those who termed provincial institutions as ‘favourable’ were almost double the percentage.
This view goes against the anecdotal evidence which shows that provincial issues and provincial political institutions are not even talked about at various elite and street-side formal and informal political discussion forums. Even the majority of TV shows focus more on national issues than on provincial ones.
A closer look reveals that national aggregate poll numbers on the favourableness of provincial government and assembly are skewed by the poll results from the Punjab and the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (KP).
Two reasons may be attributed to this pro-provincial stance in Punjab and KP: a) relatively better economic performance by provincial institutions and b) because, as is the case in KP, democracy has been good for certain ethnic/religious communities.
Lastly, the mother of all ironies: despite all the pessimism more than 80 percent would rather be a citizen of Pakistan than of any other country in the world; the majority also wants change and cites a host of economic issues that need immediate attention; yet mere two percent have been active members of their communities, of which only a quarter have been political engaged.
Perhaps that’s because of the military overhang. Against all forms of Pakistani arts, literature, sports, history and what, the armed forces remain the proudest thing the Pakistani youth can boast of. Need one say more?