The expected coming to pass

The noisy response of the Opposition to the draft bill 'The President to Hold Another Office Act-2004' (to take effect from December 31, 2004, on enactment) which the government introduced in the National Assembly on Friday (October 9), appears to have confirmed the worst apprehensions of, at least, some of opposition parties about General Pervez Musharraf not fulfilling his commitment to quit the post of the Chief of the Army Staff by the year's end.
None of it surprising, as the government's intention could be guessed from what may be called his policy of ambiguity on the issue, both inside and outside the country. Whatever confusion about the matter might have been there in some circles all this while, will seem to have ended.
That is no consolation, though, as the controversy rages with unpredictable possibilities. For as it is, the draft bill allowing General Pervez Musharraf to retain the post of the COAS during his tenure as President, has been referred to the House Committee on Law and Justice. From all indications, it will be tabled for debate in a couple of days for first, second and third reading, before being adopted by a simple majority.
Seemingly no more disjointed, the Opposition has rejected the bill and vowed to restore the Parliament's sovereignty and sanctity of constitutional provisions through a long-drawn struggle, the people of Pakistan now have to watch a battle between idealism, sham or genuine, and reality.
This should be quite obvious from the reaction of Majlis-i-Amal's Hafiz Hussain Ahmed, saying "This is cheating, we reject it and we will try to collectively fight for democracy and revival of the 1973 Constitution." Viewed against the backdrop of Majlis-i-Amal's co-operation on the uniform issue during the LFO debate, following an agreement with the President, one would simply wonder over the ruling coalition's sense of allegiance to the basic principles of democracy and constitutionalism and their respect for their own moral commitment.
MMA's indignation and frustration is quite understandable, for despite the doubts, misgivings and, in some cases, blind hostility of other parties on the issue of Constitutional Amendment, Majlis-i-Amal had decided to toe the government's line, thereby prompting others standing on the fence to lend support to the idea of the President wearing the military cap as well.
Viewed in the light of the axiomatic fact that there is no last word in politics, which has been described as the art of the possible, the MMA did prove instrumental in breaking a dangerous stalemate.
The flexibility displayed by Majlis-i-Amal could of course be attributed to its perception of the supreme interests of the nation in the then prevailing situation in the country and across its borders, and, perhaps, partly also to a natural concern to avert the risks to its government in the NWFP and Balochistan.
The statement of objectives of the bill runs: "To safeguard, inter alia, the national interest in prevailing national and international situation, to combat terrorism and subversion which have disturbed peace and tranquillity, and disrupted the law and order situation in the country, and to safeguard the integrity of country so that the people of Pakistan may prosper and retain their rightful and honoured place among the nations of the world and may have their full contribution towards strengthening democracy and also to provide continuity to ongoing economic policies and reforms of public good, it is necessary that the President, in addition to his holding the office of the President, may hold another office in the service of Pakistan." All this will be seen as yet leaving a great deal to be desired.
For although, the prevailing conditions as explained in the statement of objectives of the bill may point to the advisability of a strong hand at the helm, which under the prevailing circumstances, as many people believe, can only be the Chief of the Army Staff, and so the President should not doff his uniform under amendment to the relevant law to allow him to hold both offices, the controversy is not going to die down without a consensus with the opposition parties.
For opposition, it may be conceded, controversy is not merely a political imperative for survival but also an assertion of unquestionable belief in an undiluted democratic dispensation essential to the existence of a vibrant federation.
A President in uniform, elected by referendum, with the constitution amended to allow him to also occupy an office of profit (COAS) although undesirable, on principle, is something that we are not totally unfamiliar with. General Zia-ul-Haq was the trail-blazer on this route and Musharraf is simply treading his charted path. But what would one say of the legislators who have passed resolutions in the assemblies and made appeals that Musharraf should retain the two posts?
As long as we have politicians and political parties who for their own reasons and love for power desire the army and its chief to be fully involved in politics, the country will remain a quasi-democracy, which General Musharraf calls 'real democracy'.
The crucial problem the President, his government and the legislators all may be faced with immediately is how to restore the natural nexus between the writ of the government and the word of the government.