Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah possessed a unique sense of political timing. He always struck while the iron was hot. A number of thinkers had presented the idea of homeland for the Muslims. Dr Iqbal had the distinction of presenting a cogent scheme as early as 1930. But the Quaid took a full decade to accept the idea and to give it a concrete shape. He always said: 'Think a hundred times before you decide but once you have decided stand by it like one man.'
Wars are periods of rapid change. The World War II brought in its wake fundamental changes of a constitutional nature that could affect the people of India, particularly the Muslims. By 1939, the British had been compelled to recognise the Muslim League as the sole representative body of Muslim India and the Quaid as its undisputed leader. This is evident from a report of the Viceroy addressed to the Secretary of State of India. It said:
"So far as the Muslims are concerned, one of the most significant features of the last two years has, in my judgement, been the emergence of the Muslim League from a position of relatively secondary importance, as an All-India political organisation which, whatever internal dissension's may from time to time reveal themselves, is second only in importance to the Congress, and in certain respects second not event to that body.
The second significant feature in this connection has been the extent to which Muslim demands have expanded and crystallised during the same period... They now represent (so far as the British India is concerned) neither more nor less than a claim to be treated on a position of "absolute equality" with the Hindu community, despite the fact that the Muslims are in a numerical minority, a demand for the full safeguarding of Muslim interests in the Provinces" (Letter of the Viceroy to the Marquess of Zetland P.227).
Now the iron was hot and the Quaid struck in the form of a resolution known as the Lahore Resolution, passed by the Muslim League whereof he was the President at its 27the session on the March 23, 1940. The Resolution was presented by Moulvi Abdul Qasim Fazlul Haq, Premier of Bungal. It reads as under:
Resolved that it is the considered view of this session of the All-India Muslim League that no constitutional plan would be workable in this country or acceptable to the Muslims unless it is designed on the following basic principles, viz. That geographically contiguous units are demarcated into regions which should be so constituted, with such territorial adjustments as may be necessary, that the areas in which the Muslims are numerically in majority as in the north-western and eastern zones of India should be grouped to constitute "Independent States" in which the constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign."
IT FURTHER READS: "That adequate, effective and mandatory safeguards should be specifically provided in the constitution for minorities in these units and in the regions for the protection of their religious, cultural, economic, political, administrative and other rights and interests in consultation with them, and in other parts of India where the Muslims are in the minority adequate, effective and mandatory safeguards shall be specifically provided in the constitution of their religious, cultural, economic, political, administrative and other rights and interests in consultation with them". (Pakistan Movement: Historic Documents by G. Allana P. 226-27).
The resolution was tabled by Moulvi Fazlul Haque, seconded by Choudhri Khaliquzzaman and supported by Maulana Zafar Ali Khan, Sardar Aurangzed Khan, Haji Sir Abdullah Haroon, Nawab Ismail Khan, Qazi Mohammad Isa, Abdul Hameed Khan, I.I. Chundrigar, Syed Abdul Rauf Shah, Dr Mohammad Alam, Syed Zakir Ali, Begum Mohmmad Ali, Maulana Abdul Hamid Badayuni.
At the end, the Quaid-i-Azam delivered an extempore speech throwing light on the resolution, elucidating and clarifying the implications of the issues involved in it. Finally, it was put to vote and carried unanimously.
The session also authorised the Working Committee to 'frame a scheme of constitution in accordance with these basic principles, providing for the assumption, finally, by the respective regions of all powers such as defence, external affairs, communications, customs and such other matters as may be necessary.' (Pakistan Movement: Historic Documents P-227).
Once an eminent person remarked about the resolution that it was rather loose and carelessly worded; whereas keeping its great importance in view it ought to have been highly readable and precise document.
I feel that Jinnah's eyes were too penetrating to escape this notice. Resolutions of this sort can never be and ought not to be too detailed, too precise and too clear-cut to bind the future course of action of its movers. No one knows the shape which his ideal may take. For example, we find a term "Independent States".
It was just right that the decision on the controversy relating to the nature of the constitutional status of the two wings (East and West) was put off untill the achievement of the goal or else it might have caused rift among the leaders of two wings.
We see that the issue was easily resolved at the legislators convention, held by the All India Muslim League at Delhi. It was a leader from the eastern wing, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy who moved the resolution that the term "Independent States" be replaced by a singular form ie one united Pakistan.
If we read between the lines we can't miss the details and clarity the resolution where it deals with the problems of minorities in the two states of Bharat and Pakistan.
In fact, this sort of issue demanded a detailed and categorical statement in any scheme that envisaged partition of the country into two independent states. We find repetition of a big clause such as "protection of their religious, cultural, economic, political, administrative and other rights and interests in consultation with them", and "adequate, effective and mandatory safeguard" etc. Such repetitions are both purposeful and meaningful.
They emphasise the importance of the issues common to a minority, more so to that of this subcontinent which was demanding partition only because it, as a minority community, has had the worst experience of the rule of the majority party.
Pakistan came into existence through the acceptance of the demand of Pakistan by the Congress. It means that the Congress had also accepted the caluse relating to the rights and safeguards to be provided to the minorities in the constitutions of the two countries.
It was on this account that Liaquat Ali Khan flew to Delhi to discuss the problem of maltreatment of the Muslim minority in Bharat, leading to the conclusion of Liaquat-Nehru Pact.
After his demise the persecution of the Muslim minority has continued unabated. Must we remain silent spectators, treating it as an internal matter of Bharat. Today the civilised nations and world organisations recognise the right of the minority to exist honourably. Their rights have become a part of international law. Even in the wake of Liaquat-Nehru Pact and the provision for the rights and safeguards of minorities in international law, the Muslims of Bharat are left unprotected.
There is a clear-cut provision in the Lahore Resolution which forms the basis of Pakistan as well as the basis of Congress's acceptance of partition which provided full protection to the minorities in the two countries. It reads as under:
Can there be a more specific and clear-cut justification about the responsibility of Pakistan towards safeguarding the interests of the Muslim minority in Bharat?
Comments
Comments are closed.