Maamun Sami Rashid, governor of the insurgency-riven city of Ramadi, has one of the most unenviable jobs in Iraq. A man who has survived 27 assassination attempts and the kidnapping of his son, Rashid is tasked with governing a city that became a hub of the insurgency with the fall of neighbouring Fallujah to US forces.
In a town where street fights between insurgents and US troops has reduced the center to rubble, Rashid is working with coalition forces and influential local tribes to quell the fighting and even to start rebuilding the shattered capital of Al-Anbar province.
And his approach appears to be bearing fruit. Attacks have dropped from 700 in October to fewer than 300 in February thanks in part to waning insurgency support on the part of the tribes.
"A lot has been changing in our co-operation with the tribes," Rashid told AFP during a break in a meeting with tribal elders from around the province, pointing to their overwhelming participation in December elections.
"Through the leaders of the tribes we pass on information to the province and the citizens of the area," Rashid said. "A lot needs to be done here and we have to all work together."
The big breakthrough in relations between coalition forces, the Ramadi government and tribal leaders came in November with the formation of the Anbar security council, composed of tribal and religious leaders.
"What really got their attention is when we said we wanted to leave," said Colonel Miles Burdine, in charge of civil relations for the US marines.
The council has been a forum for discussing security in the province and creating the conditions for a reduced US military presence.
One major achievement of its efforts was tribal security provided at polling stations during the December elections and tribal leaders encouraging young men to sign up for a new police force.
Previously the tribes were, if not actively participating in the insurgency, certainly providing a great deal of logistical support. The insurgency in this area is believed to be a mixture of foreign-led Islamist extremists, like al Qaeda, as well as more nationalistic groups.
"We understand that the best way to neutralise the insurgency was to get the population involved in the effort," said Colonel John Gronski, of the 28th Infantry Division, which arrived in Ramadi in summer 2005.
US forces are reporting a rise in "red on red" violence, or clashes between insurgents and tribal militias who are trying to keep them from operating in their territory.
An expert on Iraq's tribes, Peter Harling of the International Crisis Group, however, casts doubt on the likelihood of the tribes being an effective counter to al Qaeda or the rest of the insurgency.
"These initiatives have failed to date because of the tribes' unreliability and ambivalence," he told AFP.
In fact, many of the clashes between tribes and insurgents may have more to do with old rivalries between different tribes, some of whom are allied to al Qaeda.
"It was just an ancient smuggling route fight," said a Western diplomat working in Ramadi, speaking of one particular dispute that resulted in a tribe allying itself to US forces.
"You've seen the Sopranos?" said Captain Lou Gansell whose company operates in the rural areas north of Ramadi, referring to a television serial about rival mafia families. "It's just like that, they're all battling it out for supremacy."
"Even Saddam Hussein had trouble out here," he added.
Ultimately, the governor wants to see the role of the tribal militias reduced and security handled by Iraqi security forces, particularly the new police force expected to be put in place later this year.
"They need to tell their people not to support the insurgency or allow them into their homes," he said. "That will be enough for the tribes, the government can take care of the rest."
The increased co-operation between the tribes, the governor and the US military through the security council has not gone unnoticed by the insurgency, however, and observers report a vigorous campaign of attacks and intimidation against those willing to deal with the government.
A suicide bomber attacked recruits to the new police force on January 5 and then a few weeks later came the assassination of Sheikh Nasr Abdel Karim Mukhlif of the Fahadawi tribe, a widely respected leader who had decide to work with US forces to speed their departure.
Other tribal leaders have had death threats and family members kidnapped, casting a pall over co-operation efforts.
"I think a lot of figures are just waiting it out," said the Western diplomat. "They are waiting and watching for the arrival of the new Iraqi security forces, and that could tip the balance."
By March a third Iraqi army brigade will be stationed in the city and the new, locally-recruited, police force should be up and running by late April, a move which is expected to lower the US military profile and increase security.
According to Gronski, it is precisely the strong arm tactics by the insurgents that show their weakness.
"I can't see this [insurgency] succeeding in the long term," he said. "They just use the stick rather than the carrot."
The stick, however, has been remarkably effective so far in intimidating Ramadi's politicians. The current governor was chosen by the provincial council in June 2005 after his predecessor was kidnapped and then killed in crossfire during a rescue attempt.
Rashid, however, said he has no intention of giving up anytime soon his dream of rebuilding his city.
"There are evil people out there threatening me, my family and my children, but I don't care -- God will protect me," he said.
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