Unending parleys

Yet another marathon meeting between Asif Ali Zardari and Nawaz Sharif has failed in clinching a deal on restoration of deposed judges. Spread over two sittings and many hours, the two leaders met one-on-one as well as in the company of their teams but there was no agreement excepting that they would meet again in the first week of July when Zardari returns from his foreign visit.
As if it is a matter of policy, the PPP leader would not himself say anything publicly after the parleys, leaving it to his party spokesmen to come out with a kind of opaque statements laced with guarded optimism. Sharif, however, would not hesitate in expressing his frustration with lack of progress, even loudly wondering why the PPP was gradually distancing itself from its once-clearly stated commitment to restore the deposed judges.
The difference between the two sides is said to be only over the modalities for the judges' restoration, but to one's utter wonder every time they differ on the judges' issue they do assert that their coalition-partnership would continue. That Nawaz Sharif has taken a very clear stand on the judges' issue is understandable for he had no hand in the doffing of the uniform by Musharraf and holding of the general elections for a new parliament. In fact, he is a direct beneficiary of these events that were undoubtedly brought about by the pushing and nudging of the western powers, principally the US, that has stood by Musharraf and his regime since the 'U-Turn' after 9/11.
There is also no doubt that this pushing and nudging by Musharraf's foreign allies would not have come, had Shaheed Benazir Bhutto not reached an understanding with Musharraf that cleared the way for the 'leadership-in-exile' to return to Pakistan and the withdrawal of mainly politically motivated cases against them.
Opinion surveys suggest his unflinching stand has earned Nawaz considerable popularity, particularly among the various segments of civil society and lawyers' community. In contrast, Zardari is losing public support as he zigzags down the street by keeping people mystified over his position on judges' restoration. But there must be some compelling reasons for him to persist in his policy of being non-committal on the judges' issue.
What is it that is holding him back? A deeper look into the dilemma besetting Zardari's freedom to take a clear stand on the issue of judges' restoration shows that the West tends to see reinstatement of ex-Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry as a prelude to the ouster of President Musharraf.
It is a matter of general knowledge that the deposed judges of the Supreme Court had questioned the legality of Musharraf's reelection and in their last judgement had declared the November 3 PCO illegal and unconstitutional. There cannot be much argument about the possibility that on reinstatement Chief Justice Chaudhry and his deposed colleagues would insist on the implementation of their last order - with consequential inevitability that President Musharraf would be charged with violating the Constitution.
This is the situation that does not fit in with the anti-terrorism scenario conjured up by the United States and its allies. They wanted Pervez Musharraf to continue in the post-election era at any cost. Therefore, the script they wrote for Pakistan ends with the epilogue that PPP leadership would be cleared of all corruption and other cases in return for its commitment to ensure uninterrupted tenure of President Musharraf.
Now that they have delivered on their commitment by having the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) promulgated by the President, they want Zardari and his party to stand by their commitment. No wonder then the PPP wants President Musharraf to depart from the stage on his own and not consequent to his impeachment.
Asif Ali Zardari of today exists in two parts; one that heads the PPP and the coalition in power who knows first hand what continuing to be in power means, and the other who is deeply beholden to Washington and London for his return and that of his party. But make no mistake that Nawaz and his party too, would not have returned either but for that deal between Benazir and Musharraf.
Undoubtedly, a flux of uncertainty permeates our national political scene, but in it there are a few permanent features also. For one, the principal coalition partners, PPP and PML (N), are not going to split up and thus lose power that has been a stranger to them for so long. Two, PPP would do its best to live up to its commitment to the 'deal-makers' over President Musharraf's tenure. Well, if he leaves of his own accord, it would be welcomed but no pushing and shoving. Three, PML (N) would not let Punjab slip away from its control, whatever the provocations.
Rest is all politics for them. But to others it is frustrating to see their years' long struggle for pristine democracy and rule of law ending up at a destination crowded with self-seekers. So, there is this air of despondency hanging all around that in its present form may appear to be inconsequential but the rulers must not overlook its potential to snowball.
That calls for permanent vigilance on the part of elected leadership by building capabilities of looking beyond their own vested interests. They should know that their performance so far is below the expectations of the masses. To most of the people, delays in settling the judges' restoration case or what should be the future of President Musharraf are only ploys to divert attention from more serious problems.