President Asif Zardari

Asif Ali Zardari's election as Pakistan's 14th president was certain ever since his candidature was announced last month, but now that he has been elected with a landslide a whole new spectrum of hopes and fears begins unfolding.
Irrespective of the fact that he was launched into his high-profile political career by a strange quirk of fate and also that he had, in the past, built for himself a reputation antithetical to the sanctity of country's apex public office, his massive victory inevitably ties up our future as a people and a polity with his successes or failures as the new helmsman.
Will he be a continuum of Musharraf-ism, that is internally an oppressive and externally a pliant regime, or a reincarnation of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto who helped forge for Pakistan a strong nationalistic identity, we shall know sooner than later. Zardari's plate is full of challenges, some very daunting, and there is also a host of opportunities waiting for him to be courted.
As a successor of Pervez Musharraf, the three formidable challenges that Zardari would be confronted with are a failing economy, unabated extremism-based militancy, and institutional reconstruction to obtain right conditions for good governance. No doubt he inherited an economy which apparently looked robust and growing initially - thanks to excessive doctoring of figures and propaganda - but it was hollow inside. Its elitist profile was of no serious concern to the rulers. It was benefiting only a small fraction of population.
But now that a professedly people-friendly government is in power people's expectations are high, while the authorities' capacity to deliver is dwindling by the day. Of course, by withdrawing subsidies in certain areas the present government has indicated its resolve to be pragmatic about the economy, but the question is how far will it go in this direction especially when it does not have a strong team of economic managers? Then, it has to obtain conditions conducive to investment, both local and foreign, by rationalising input costs and reviving industrial peace and pace by putting in place more effective law and order measures.
Militancy is the other big challenge; a taste of which was made available even as the presidential election was in process by a murderous blast in Peshawar. Given that most of it is a by-product of Pakistan's alliance with the United States in its 'war on terror' the task would remain difficult for the Zardari guided Gilani government, since he has pledged to stay the course set by his predecessor. With public opinion largely opposed to this alliance, the new President would find himself on the horns of a dilemma as to what he can do for the Americans and still retain his popularity at home.
Not only that, a large part of Pakistan is within the reach of suicide-bombers and his own safety is at stake, Zardari's task has become difficult all the more by the aggressive policy of anti-terrorism allies, who, of late have not resisted the temptation of conducting land-based incursions into Pakistan. He would be required to launch a strong diplomatic offensive in support of Pakistan's contribution to the war on terror. How will he do that is another challenge?
His agenda in Balochistan, where a kind of low-intensity insurgency is being waged by some nationalist elements, has become a bit manageable no doubt, mainly because of his Baloch roots and what appeared to be his very sincere apology for the wrongs done to the Baloch people in the past.
But the thing to remember is that none of the past governments fell because of its economic failure or a faulty foreign policy; they had fallen to Byzantium politics. Typically, our elected governments within months, if not weeks, of their coming to power set out on witch-hunting of political opponents. As they work on this unholy design of securing undisputed hold over power till eternity they jettison their democratic élan and move away from their representative moorings - to be sent packing home by the military in full view of cheering crowds.
Till last month it appeared that this time our civilian leaders would stay away from the traditional pastime, but the burden of evidence suggests that its opposite is likely to happen. Lahore is fast emerging as the first venue of political confrontation between the two erstwhile allies in the battle for democracy.
Unless Zardari puts his foot down, snuffing out machinations being engineered by the Punjab governor and some of his cronies against the present Punjab government, the old drama seems likely to be staged. Being Pakistan's most powerful president ever, he should ensure that he does not get crushed under his own weight. Thanks to ex-Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry's defiance shown to a dictator, Pakistani civil society has acquired the 'magisterial' powers and would not let vengeance-driven rule last long.
But if the challenges facing Asif Ali Zardari are forbidding, the opportunities that wait to be seized and exploited are tremendous. First and foremost, time is on his side to cleanse the constitution of imperfections that have robbed it of its parliamentary character, mainly by repealing Article 58-2(b) of the Constitution and its related distortions introduced by the Seventeenth Amendment.
Good, he is committed to empowering the parliament. As to the debate about his credibility as an individual it is hoped his new responsibility would give him the opportunity to prove his detractors wrong. A playboy, Mr 10 Percent and a baby-sitter, and many more such names, Asif Zardari has turned the tables on the whole lot of most experienced and crafty politicians in Pakistan. Isn't it proof enough of his political astuteness? We congratulate Asif Ali Zardari on his election as President of Pakistan.