The Gilgit-Baltistan fudge

With in reference to the recent "Gilgit-Baltistan Empowerment and Self-Governance" ordinance, the government claims that it has given the region a pattern of autonomy as enjoyed by Azad Jammu and Kashmir. But, in reality, it is a sort of an indirect, Governor Raj, imposed by the current government against the true wishes of the masses of the region.
It totally ignores and rejects the actual demands that Gilgit-Baltistan has made, over the last six decades, that it should be given provincial status and representation in the parliament. The government, on the other hand, backs itself by arguing that the acceptance of these demands would switch its position against United States resolutions and the stance on the Kashmir issue would be weakened.
But in reality, the government, by itself, knows that these reasons contain no basis for not fulfilling the demands of Gilgit-Baltistan. Anyone, who takes a close look at this issue finds that these demands, by the people of the region, are based on the belief that Kashmiri nationalists lack sound reasons for tagging the region to Jammu and Kashmir, since both have a different struggle, identity, constitutional elements of community and historical facts differentiating these two regions from each other.
However, the step taken is critical and is in the right direction, if we consider this so-called, self-rule package for Gilgit-Baltistan with the objective of giving it the full status of a province. In my view, it would be better if it is made into a province in the name of the "Karakoram", by merging Chitral into it. Interestingly, Chitral maintains more solid, common features with Gilgit-Baltistan than the NWFP, like territorial proximity, historical links, in terms of language, cultural and social cohesion. This act would definitely promote trade routes, tourism, culture, education, health and equal opportunities for the people of the region. Since the region contains all the essential features, strengths, resources and most importantly, political involvement and ambitions to become a province.
The decision taken is already too little, too late but a positive step, although not completely mature, since it recognises the fundamental rights of the people of the region, but is not fulfilling them in its true essence. It would have far-reaching implications if provincial status was given to Gilgit-Baltistan in the near future, than to leave it for future political dispensations. Some of the changes made in this so-called internal autonomy law are romanticised, such as just renaming the chairman as governor, the chief executive as chief minister and advisors as ministers.
The demand for provincial status will not go away, so the government must involve the representatives of the region in the promotion of the proposals discussed, since the current changes are cosmetic. The ordinance will not satisfy the actual demands (provincial status, representation in the parliament and constitutionally guaranteed rights) of the local people for an end to disenfranchisement.