Without the slightest doubt, for decades at a stretch, Balochistan suffered because, while area-wise it is the largest province, given its small population it could not enjoy even a shred of the clout enjoyed by the Punjab or Sindh (courtesy the mega city of Karachi). But that's not the whole story; with few exceptions, the visionless, self-serving political leaders of Balochistan carry their share of responsibility in this continuing tragedy.
The latest move by the federation (Aghaaz-e-Huqooq-e-Balochistan proposal) meant to redress the grievances of Balochistan too has its oddities; for instance the use of the word Aghaaz. Surely, what the PPP regime has proposed therein doesn't 'begin' the recognition of Balochistan's rights; what it reflects yet again is the self-damaging PPP psyche that makes its leaders believe that only they can "correct the wrongs of history".
All past regimes allocated federal funds to Balochistan, but the fact that these funds produced poor results while the ordinary Balochis remained as poor as ever, was because often the funds went into powerful pockets instead of generating economic activity. Even today, Balochi politicians, who are asking only for more money and rejecting the new initiative point-blank, appear to know very little about what the common Balochis need.
How politically expedient was it to resort to violence, which was characterized by the anti-state quarters as a revolt (because BLA stands for Balochistan 'Liberation' Army)? Building a national consensus over the province's just claims on the exchequer remained a low priority. Tragically, some leaders who resorted to the 'liberation' struggle - a self-damaging strategy that hurt the cause of Balochistan - continue to be regarded as Baloch heroes.
How situation-conscious are the Baluch politicians is manifested by the fact that they are seeking compensation from the federation for the economic losses (both genuine and make-believe) suffered by Balochistan since 1954, at a time when the debt-ridden federation virtually has nothing to share. Worse still, the demand is only for more money, instead of guaranteed funding for crucially needed development projects.
Balochistan's reserves of natural resources and orchards have definite investment potential that can generate large-scale employment. In the present times, politicians with a knack for highlighting the economic benefits of investing in their land, and the having the credibility to attract investors can bring optimal benefits to their people; ferocious expressions of reacting against deprivation don't serve this end; they only hurt this cause.
None of the politicians who expressed their reaction to the 'Aghaaz-e-Huqood-Balochistan' on TV channels came up with specific plans to up-grade Balochistan's physical and social infrastructure, and to set up industries based on indigenous raw materials and labour force. What the Balochis need for their uplift isn't money - the short-term solution - but sustainable economic activity that provides them employment to secure their future.
The views expressed by Brahmdagh Bugti (of BLA fame), Shahzain Bugti, Talal Bugti, Abdul Malik Baloch, Mir Hasil Bizenjo, Ismail Buledi and Abdul Hadi Baloch about the PPP government's new initiative were essentially negative. None had a better alternative to offer except emotional demands about missing people, withdrawal of cases against Balochi leaders in self-imposed exile and inquiry into Nawab Akbar Bugti's killing.
Undeniably, all these issues demand a thorough and independent investigation to undo the injustice done to the innocent and no Pakistani should settle for anything less, but what about Balochistan's economic uplift? By now, Baluch leaders should know that unless they develop the capacity for an unbiased feasibility analysis of the development projects, a grasp over nominal and economic returns and active participation in development project implementation to ensure timely completion, Balochistan can't benefit optimally from any project.
The visible deficit in these capacities reflects on the Balochi leadership. Given this deficit, the demand for giving key administrative positions to Balochis only makes emotional sense. Let no one forget that, at the end of the day, what count are professionalism, honesty, ability, and commitment to deliver, not the colour of the skin or the language one speaks. Do politicians see the wisdom of supervising and assuring such performance?
Instead, for years we have been hearing stories (not all of them true) about kidnapping of industry managers (both foreign and Pakistani) and ransom demands, blowing up of industrial installations, gas pipelines, power transmission systems, bridges, railways tracks, etc. Rarely did one hear about a fruitful dialogue between politicians and industry managers that favourably inclined them to fulfil more of their social responsibilities.
Balochi leaders also ignore a harsh reality - high level of illiteracy and lack of skills among the population - the result of past bad governance by the Balochi leadership for which the innocent Balochis are paying a price. Yet, their leaders are not demanding outlay on, rail-road links to improve mobility, networks of schools for basic education, vocational training centres and healthcare services.
Their major concern is gas supply to small towns; indeed it is a just demand but what about arrangements to assure a better future? More than anything else, what Balochistan needs are these institutional arrangements to prepare the Balochis (in the shortest possible time) to take over the affairs of their province and produce results that are as good, if not better, than those being achieved by the other three provinces.
Emotional speeches, public protests and violent opposition can't deliver what the expanding poor population needs; this is the unread writing on the wall. In the interim period, Baluch leaders must not frighten investors who can unleash the province's resources by developing industrial estates all over Balochistan, setting up industries and creating jobs, to begin with, for those Balochis who have the requisite skills.
What the leaders must insist on is that the investors pay their due share by setting up networks of schools for basic education, and vocational training and province-specific agricultural and industrial research centres.
From the federation they must demand Balochistan's dues, but on a dispassionate, workable basis and insist that the dues be invested in up-grading the provinces' infrastructure, especially railways, road links, water reservoirs and power generation plants, besides plugging the gaps in the social infrastructure - basic schools, engineering and medical colleges, hospitals, expanded utility services networks and civic amenities.
The federation has expressed its sense of guilt by promising to undo the grave errors of the past but crucially needed development work cannot begin unless the political leadership of Balochistan renounces its vindictive stance on this initiative. Room for improving the package, though limited under the federation's present circumstances, is very much there but rationality must overcome emotionalism and the thirst for vendetta.
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