Devolving the HEC

The HEC is being devolved only, and some argue that it is being fragmented and practically disbanded. Perhaps initial government intentions were harsher or were misunderstood. Ministry of Finance has announced that it has released HEC funding for the quarter, which was reportedly withheld earlier. Let us examine the controversy with some perspective, and try to look into the possibilities of a compromise or consensus approach.
The arguments, as we shall see are divided along the classical fault lines of efficiency and continuity versus equity, autonomy and diversity. Let us start in a lighter vein. I sometimes ask myself; are we an extremist nation? Rise of terrorism and fundamentalism tended to indicate it and extremist tendencies in our socio-political system? One government builds something; another demolishes it, instead of building upon it. Take the case of local governments, Awami Markaz, Housing projects, land reforms etc. All kind of clichés seem to be applicable to this syndrome; one step forward, two backward, boom-bust cycles etc. Consistency is the virtue of an ass, as late Z A Bhutto used to often say defending his maverick economic policies.
Consistency is a virtue also. A less than optimum policy if applied consistently and constantly can yield far more beneficial set of policies suffering from inconstancies. Till yesterday, in the reign of the Musharraf regime, the HEC was a blue eyed institution. It was given so much funding, that it did not know what to do with it. HEC came out with all kind of impossible projects, inviting criticism for its wastefulness. Nevertheless science and higher education needed a jerky initiative to extract it from the prevalent dormancy.
The HEC did manage to do many useful things. Its single-most contribution seems to be the promotion and expansion of research programme and encouragement of private sector universities and educational institutions. There is concrete evidence for its achievements. There are 5,164 PhD students and another 13,592 M.Phil students pursuing their studies, as per data released by a Survey of Pakistan Council of Science and Technology (PCST).
This is an unprecedented number. Prior to it, only 50 PhDs were produced in a year at the maximum. Initiation of local PhD programme will have a far-reaching influence on the output and impact of R&D activities in Pakistan. HEC's other achievements are widely known. It did, however, become extravagant. Balance was later returned by the new government by making some needed budgetary cuts, making the needed hard choices, and shifting the emphasis on primary education.
There are the following arguments against the so-called fragmentation of HEC. All university vice-chancellors have spoken in favor of maintaining the HEC as a federal institution, and maintaining status quo. We must remember that despite the 18th Amendment, this is still one country. Even the 18th Amendment has kept all regulatory functions with the center. The HEC has a vital regulatory function and does enjoy federal inclusion under the relevant clause.
In all other federal countries, despite strong decentralisation and devolution, science and technology and higher education are handled federally. Take the example of the National Science Foundation of the USA, the citadel of federalism. Scale economies do not permit the division of the HEC, as it is, even at the federal level, it has been difficult to get sufficient number of qualified people to perform its function. Smaller provinces like KP and Balochistan would suffer most under the devolution or virtual disbanding of the HEC. The two provinces do not have enough manpower resources to even run their schools.
In Pakistan the state of science and higher education and of education in general is already in an appalling condition. It cannot afford to absorb the kind of jolts and discontinuities that are being tried on it. As reported in a recent report of the Unesco, available on its website, Pakistan's status in Science comes out to be very low. Its ranking in terms of number of publications it comes at 20, the lowest among a set of developing countries of Asia, lower than tiny Morocco and Tunisia, and much lower than Iran, Turkey, and Malaysia.
We are no more among the most developed even among our brother Muslim countries, like Iran, Turkey and Malaysia who today lead the Muslim countries in Science, Technology and economic growth. Having made a bomb (nuclear weapons) is not enough. It should not make us complacent. It would be a misnomer, if it is claimed that all of it was a totally indigenous effort. But it surely is an example and a lesson in constancy of policies. From Z A Bhutto to Zia-ul-Haque and later, there was a one policy, that enabled Pakistan to achieve what it wanted to, despite concerted opposition from powerful countries.
Continuity and consistency has a lot of merit. One would require logic of huge proportion to break the continuity of the HEC. We find that there is not much of an argument disbanding it, although devolution of sorts may have its own merit, as we shall see under the counter-argument later.
No doubt the HEC is not an example of a marvellous institution. But it is a necessary institution and performs a useful function. HEC has to learn to be cost-conscious, which it has under the new leadership has shown great spine, courage and integrity. The incumbent, a distinguished academician comes from the ruling party itself and was its senator. It is not right to pursue a vendetta against such a leadership and institution.
The counter argument for supporters of the devolution is that Education is a provincial subject under the constitution as revised under the 18th Amendment. That the HEC is not just a regulatory institution, but also plays a major role in disbursement of funds to the Universities .It is the provinces which are to decide as to how much to spend on higher education and how much on primary education.
If the argument that provincial politicians are inept, corrupt and inefficient is accepted, and thus would be mismanaging and damaging the cause of education, the whole idea of devolution of power is to be revisited. There is still popular support for the 18th Amendment that has been passed unanimously by the constitution. The taste of the pudding is in eating it. Let devolution be tried and implemented. It is too early for reversal and that piece-by-piece reversal and exceptions would be still more damaging. Maybe provinces, especially, the smaller provinces may want to pursue different resource allocation priorities matching their own assessments. Spending money is not a very difficult job. Some, particularly, Sindh may like to spend more than the population formula allows it otherwise.
On the other hand, the letter circulated by the architect of HEC, Dr Atta-ur-Rehman, does only repeat the arguments of provincial smallness, which may not have the capacity to perform the devolved functions. His argument would be valid in the case of KP and Balochistan only. Unfortunately the demand of provincial autonomy was louder and harsher in the smaller provinces. Sindh might be able to benefit from provincial autonomy. It is doubtful, however, that the smaller provinces would be able to effectively utilise the freedom and autonomy given under the 18th Amendment. Lessons have to be learnt, but that would happen in due course. I would have expected more solid arguments in favor of maintaining the status quo and keeping the HEC intact.
The stakeholders seem to be divided and have taken strong position. There is potential for academic unrest. PML (N) has taken an anti-position on the HEC's devolution. The issue merits discussion among the stakeholders representing a variety of positions and interests. A hasty and harsh decision would not be in the national interest, would be polarising and highly divisive.
The truth, as they say, is always in-between. If a compromise is to be sought, between the two positions, it would be that the HEC is allowed to remain with a regulatory and advisory mandate. GOP can assume its administrative budgetary responsibility, and it can receive international funding and grants to get its development projects to go on. After all, there are so many other institutions that the GoP keeps funding and maintaining. May be the next government has a different opinion and the HEC reverts to its original mandate. Let us be flexible, reversals do occur in democracies. As we close this piece, the news is pouring in that a compromise formula is emerging.
(The writer has been a Research Fellow at Harvard University and author of a number of books on the relevant subject)