Given the massive institutional failure in preventing the Abbottabad imbroglio, former prime minister Nawaz Sharif's call for a Chief Justice of Pakistan-led commission makes ample sense, especially as it comes after instant public rejection of Prime Minister Gilani's endorsement of an in-house army inquiry. To a considerable extent his call rhymes with the public sentiments being expressed rather loudly, not only by the man in the street but also by civil society, political leaders and the national media.
Among the critics who want an independent inquiry rather than a departmental probe are included retired senior military officers, who are of the opinion that "the heavens will not fall if the investigations are conducted by an independent commission, comprising former chief justices of superior courts who are still alive and in good health".
The rejection of an in-house army inquiry stems as much from the prevailing confusion, essentially generated by the government itself, as from past experience, when critical security lapses and failures were either not investigated or the findings of inquiries, if launched, were not made public. Nawaz Sharif has rightly pointed out how the inquiry into the Ojhri Camp tragedy was never made public - as also his suspicions embedded in former army chief General Pervez Musharraf's one-man decision to launch the Kargil adventure. There is no gainsaying that after the 1971 tragedy, resulting in the country's break-up, the Abbottabad fiasco is the most critical development with dire consequences which have yet to fully unfold. There should be no hesitation in instituting a high-powered judicial commission on the pattern of the Hamoodur Rehman Commission. In his assertion that the Chief Justice of Pakistan-headed commission report on the Abbottabad incident should be made public without a day's delay, Nawaz Sharif undoubtedly is bringing to mind how the Hamoodur Rehman Commission findings were withheld from public view for more than three decades and even when at last they were made public, some portions were deleted.
The PML-N chief's statement that he would desist from blaming any individual or set-up and he would not ask for the civil and military leadership to resign, may be in obvious contradiction of his parliamentary party's stand that 'heads should roll' right now. But that's his position given the enormity of the challenge in terms of the country's territorial integrity and national sovereignty. He is not for apportioning blame but wants to investigate the institutionalised philosophy of the concerned entities. Of course, he is critical of the secret agencies that "chase politicians but couldn't see what was happening right under their noses... They continue to play political chess which has plunged the country into world-wide humiliation". In fact at this stage he didn't have to be emotional - for, by asking for a high-powered judicial commission he has effectively put the Gilani government and the Establishment on the spot.
On the face of it, the government would be quite reluctant to go for a judicial commission, and quite possibly the ante may be raised with demand for a parliamentary committee tasked to investigate the Abbottabad incident. That won't work, given the elected representatives' track record of fleeting interest in security matters and their much-evidenced inability to cross the party line. The people have spoken against a departmental inquiry, and sticking hard on that position is bound to be counterproductive, both for the government and the GHQ. The best course now for the government is to embrace the call of Nawaz Sharif, and try to evolve terms of reference for the Nawaz Sharif-proposed judicial commission that could be implemented. No question, the guilty should be identified and punished. But, perhaps, more important is the 'national interest' that should not be undermined by way of conceding what outsiders would like us to do.
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