An APC is a must

Nawaz Sharif has unmatched political credentials; he was twice the prime minister of Pakistan and as head of the main opposition in parliament is treated as prime minister-in-waiting. What he believes and says carries weight and gets due attention in Pakistan and outside on important international forums. So his refusal to be part of the Gilani-called an All-Party Conference (APC) on the Balochistan situation unless his conditions - arrest of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti's killers and recovery of missing persons - are met, has almost vetoed the move. The question is: Is this a realistic demand and will anybody in right mind think that what he has asked for achievable at this point of time when sand is pouring fast in the hourglass. Such a hard line on any issue which is essentially political - if our experience of 1970s when East Pakistan broke away thanks to the roadblock created by the West Wing leadership - doesn't go with his position as a politician. The criticality of the evolving situation in Balochistan brooks no antics bordering on an obstructionist role on the part of the opposition. Consider what the Baloch leaders in self-exile say and what is not there on the ground to fertilise a secessionist mindset. We expect Nawaz Sharif to revisit his demand, and help materialise the APC. We are not here to condone the assassination of Nawab Bugti, nor would like to endorse the myopic approach of fighting political dissidence with the sword in Balochistan or elsewhere in Pakistan. But we do propose that the military operation in Kohlu which resulted in the killing of a Baloch leader - whose contribution towards the creation of Pakistan is undeniably a precious part of our national history - should be treated as a separate issue. Such mistakes have happened in the past also, not because a national army would revel in killing its own people, but because it was ordered by the supreme commander who could be a civilian also. The military operation assisted by air support in 1970s was at the orders of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, reportedly actively connived by late Nawab Bugti who was then the governor of Balochistan. At the same time you have to recognise the status and clout of chiefs and sardars in a tribal society that most of Balochistan presently is. The fact is that democracy or no democracy these tribal leaders would remain in the driving seat for a foreseeable period of time. They cannot be ignored and their points of view, which may not be always unanimous, must be factored into the exercise to hammer out a pragmatic workable strategy. The present Balochistan is a rich mosaic, created as it is by variants of firmly entrenched tribalism, ethnic diversity, sectarian contrast, deepening sense of deprivation and economic exploitation and above all its location that increasingly adds to its geo-strategic criticality. If some Baloch leaders in exile are creating ripples using their hereditary credentials, many more are inside Pakistan who don't own these perceptions. Then an equally balanced segment of Balochistan population, Pushtun community, is clearly opposed to the so-called struggle for an 'independent Balochistan'. But that said, the fact cannot be denied that the province of Balochistan was, and is, the net loser in the federation. The impression that it is treated as a colony is equally shared by all segments of its population. The only way forward is their development - economic, social and political. Why a broad-based workable policy and workable plan could not be put on the ground by the all-powerful Islamabad remains a question. Mere ad hocism failed in the past and will not work in future also. Reverting to the proposed APC we would say perhaps never before it was needed as much as now. That earlier such exercises took us nowhere is not a justification to oppose its re-convening. Let it be absolutely unburdened of any ifs and buts. And also don't be hesitant to inviting those who are out rallying support for an 'independent' Balochistan. After all dialogue is the only feasible option in the present conditions, as is amply demonstrated in the neighbourhood where Americans are talking with the Taliban after one of the bloodiest nine-year-old conflict. Of course it is just not on, that Pakistan should overlook the danger latent in the growing tempo of anti-Pakistan at international forums, given the recent misuse of the UN-mandated 'right to protect' in Libya and Syria. How ironic that Pakistan is one of those members of the UN Security Council who supported the idea of outside intervention in Syria as opposed to vetoes flashed by China and Russia. So our strength lies in deep, earnest dialogue with the angry Baloch leaders, and that should be exerted with full force and without further loss of time. Copyright Business Recorder, 2012