EDITORIAL: In the end, things moved just too fast for Sheikh Hasina, now Bangladesh’s ex-prime minister. But, if history is a good guide, that’s what happens when push comes to shove in such situations, and only those who choose not to see and acknowledge facts on the ground – often sitting governments responsible for the mess – remain blind to it.
Of course, this was about a lot more than the student rebellion against government job quotas that grounded the country to a halt, made the government kill hundreds of protestors, and finally brought the curtain down on Hasina. This was the manifestation of a decade and a half of thoroughly corrupting democratic processes and institutions to entrench a rigid one-party rule; one in which the ruling party became a one-person show with no second or third tiers of leadership, only the usual yes-men greedily propping up the dictator in return for wealth and power of their own.
Yet Bangladesh is different from other third world countries that have gone down the gutter in similar fashion. Remember, it was not the economy that was the problem. On the contrary, Hasina stood out for her economic reforms, for expanding the economy and bringing productive reforms, and for going the extra mile to increase participation of women in the workforce.
Rather this eruption was caused by repressive political disenfranchisement; a textbook lesson, indeed. In her 15 consecutive years in power, she systematically clamped down on all avenues of public and political discontent. She used all tools in the government’s shed to dismantle the political opposition, to the point that the last election was widely boycotted and amounted to little more than a comical walkover for a dictator that had confined half the resistance to jails and run the other half out of the country.
And, eventually, even the economic uplift – the envy of some of Bangladesh’s neighbours – could not keep Hasina safe in her seat. But people celebrating in her palace and on the streets must realise that their real struggle has only begun. They have roundly rejected the military setup that has taken control to keep the country from completely falling apart, and very rightly so. This is a very critical moment, because nobody knows what will happen next. Part of Hasina’s legacy is that a vibrant political culture and/or political parties could never develop in that country; and the people will pay the price for the vacuum now.
Perhaps a lot of concerned commentators miss the point that Bangladesh’s political paralysis necessitates a period where a disciplined institution keeps things from spiraling out of control any further, but only and only if it also makes serious efforts towards another election; one which will be clean, free and fair. Seeing the back of a dictator is no doubt a major victory for the people, but all of it could go south very fast if the greatest care is not taken in the days, weeks and months ahead.
Bangladeshis are also rightly wary of what Delhi might do next to keep its meddling – something in which it has invested a lot of time and resources – going as before. For, one reason for Hasina’s tight grip was the support she got from India, which was confirmed by the fact that she promptly headed across the border when the noose tightened around her. Now, the longer she stays in that country, the more the people of Bangladesh will recall and resent its influence in their affairs.
Hopefully, outsiders, especially those with much power and influence, will keep from interfering in Bangladesh, unless it is to help the country, as it faces a true make-or-break moment. Last but not least, a post-Hasina Bangladesh may not necessarily seem like a great friend for India.
Copyright Business Recorder, 2024
Comments
Comments are closed.