Maintaining eye contact is widely considered a basic component of social interaction. Failing to do so suggests you're shy or rude, or you're suffering from a serious bout of boredom. It also indicates your struggle aimed at trying to hide something. Nawaz Sharif's supporters in the Hazara Division are a case in point. A large number of them, if not all, are displaying both bashfulness and timidity in answer to a question whether they've forgiven him for his decision on the change in the name of North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) to Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in 2010 that led to massive protests in the Hazara region by majority non-Pashtoon Hindko- and Gojri-speaking community, resulting in at least 10 deaths.
"Though the anger is there, he's still our leader," they say thoughtfully and pensively but with a tinge of sadness or melancholy. Their body language clearly betrays a gloomy state of mind although they have successfully helped Nawaz Sharif put up a highly impressive show at Mansehra in recent weeks. That rally clearly and unambiguously suggested that the PML-N chief has been able to regain a strong foothold in this highly important part of KP where he had clearly lost space particularly to Imran Khan following his highly controversial decision in relation to change of province's name, alienating almost the entire populace of non-Pashtoon segment of society in a profound manner. The PML-N leadership, particularly Senator Pervez Rasheed Butt, were extremely pleased with favourable news coverage and consequent analyses of their Mansehra show. The turnout was much larger than what they had actually anticipated.
They knew well that Nawaz Sharif's decision to strike a deal on the removal of ban on third time prime ministership and chief ministership by meeting President Zardari's demand about change in the name of province had seriously jeopardised their future prospects in a region which traditionally and historically allied itself particularly with Hazara Muslim League and later Muslim League and its factions. His decision had brought some unprecedented testing times for the leadership of party's Hazara chapter. Sardar Mehtab Abbasi was so depressed and heartbroken that he immediately sought to tender resignation from the National Assembly seat. Not only did he dissent from the party leadership, he did not vote in the National Assembly over the change in name.
Downcast and disheartened and in a state of low spirits caused by loss of hope and courage Sardar Mehtab Abbasi and others were taking a despairing view of their political careers as they were facing a growing level of hostility in almost every neighbourhood of the hilly region. Their frustration worsened with increased bickering about the intraparty affairs over time. It perhaps reached the nadir of despair when Nawaz Sharif's son-in-law Captain Safdar, also a Hazara-based politician, stepped up his criticism of the local or regional leadership. Top leadership comprising Sardar Mehtab Abbasi and Pir Sabir Shah reportedly said that they could not function anymore. They, therefore, decided to resign from the party. But they could not take that drastic step because they had failed to take that decision two years ago when they found themselves unable to change or achieve in relation to change in province's name. Now their decision would be widely interpreted as a ploy aimed at joining Imran Khan's PTI. The intraparty dissension was reduced, albeit partially, with the intervention of Nawaz Sharif himself. In the meantime, he also worked towards assuaging the sentiments of the aggrieved Hazara leadership. Fielding Mehtab Abbasi as a candidate for the post of leader of the house following the exit of the then prime minister Yousuf Raza Gilani and later making him the chief of a highly important committee over the naming of caretaker setup at the Centre were two of the key steps that Nawaz took in that direction with a view to burnishing his credentials ahead of the 2013 elections.
Be that as it may, nowhere does Imran have better prospects than in Hazara region. He seems to have been doing much better here than anywhere else. His party stands a clear chance of claiming a lot of space that Nawaz has squandered since 2010. He effectively challenges Nawaz's traditional sway in almost all the six districts of this region. Vulnerability of Nawaz viz-a-viz Imran is more pronounced here than even in the latter's ancestral hometown Mianwali from where he won one seat in 2002 general election as a consolation to him. In this region, PML-N's woes seem to have been worsened by several individuals and groups that are still mourning the loss of Hazara people's identity because of renaming of NWFP, particularly former Abbottabad district Nazim Sardar Haider Zaman Baba, although it has, in its 2013 election manifesto, pledged the creation of a separate Hazara province. That Nawaz's own prospects are also strongly linked to this region is a fact that has found its best expression in its efforts that it has employed to win back Hazara voters. The Hazara belt is the first and perhaps the only area outside Punjab from where Nawaz will be required to clinch a majority of, if not all, seats in order to lay stake for the next government after May 11 election.
The factor that has added salt to the injury of those opposed to the province's name change is the fact that their historic humiliation took place under the incumbency of Awami National Party (formerly National Awami Party or NAP) government in the province. This party or proponents of Pakhtun nationalism have always been traditionally viewed and treated with varying degrees of suspicion and hostility by the majority of Hazara people. Besides the PML, it was the then JUI's Hazara leadership comprising, among others, Maulana Ghulam Ghous Hazarvi and Maulana Ghafoor Hazarvi, that ably protected and preserved their sense of nationalism in relation to integrity and solidarity of Pakistan. The NWFP Referendum in 1947, the tribal attacks on the then Hazara district in 1946 over a worsening food situation in the NWFP and the Hazara Sikh girl's case of the same year constitute an integral part of collective consciousness and wisdom of non-Pashtoon Hazara community. Veteran journalist Majeed Nizami whose newspaper Nawa-e-Waqt which, according to him, still remains strongly committed to the ideals of the Two-Nation Theory was quick to make a profound but sardonic comment over the change in name of NWFP to KP. According to him, the party of the late Ghaffar Khan has exacted in 2010 a befitting revenge for its defeat that it suffered at the NWFP Referendum in 1947.
--- This was the sixth part of multi-part series "Election Outlook". The next part of this series "Bugging Wali Bagh for ANP prospects" will be carried by the newspaper shortly. The writer is newspaper's News Editor. He previously worked for various publications, including Daily Times, Dawn and Khaleej Times, on different positions.
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