BML 5.62 Decreased By ▼ -0.03 (-0.53%)
BOP 16.58 Increased By ▲ 1.51 (10.02%)
CNERGY 7.25 Increased By ▲ 0.03 (0.42%)
CPHL 93.02 Increased By ▲ 3.63 (4.06%)
DCL 13.85 Increased By ▲ 0.22 (1.61%)
DGKC 209.22 Increased By ▲ 1.75 (0.84%)
FCCL 59.46 Increased By ▲ 4.09 (7.39%)
FFL 17.13 Increased By ▲ 0.36 (2.15%)
GCIL 28.44 Increased By ▲ 0.33 (1.17%)
HUBC 163.93 Decreased By ▼ -0.34 (-0.21%)
KEL 5.43 Increased By ▲ 0.11 (2.07%)
KOSM 6.92 Increased By ▲ 0.21 (3.13%)
LOTCHEM 22.00 Increased By ▲ 0.05 (0.23%)
MLCF 104.83 Increased By ▲ 2.15 (2.09%)
NBP 153.50 Increased By ▲ 5.07 (3.42%)
PAEL 52.54 Increased By ▲ 4.78 (10.01%)
PIAHCLA 19.75 Increased By ▲ 0.23 (1.18%)
PIBTL 12.96 Increased By ▲ 0.17 (1.33%)
POWER 17.41 Increased By ▲ 0.41 (2.41%)
PPL 179.12 Increased By ▲ 1.81 (1.02%)
PREMA 41.78 Increased By ▲ 1.62 (4.03%)
PRL 31.71 Increased By ▲ 1.08 (3.53%)
PTC 22.77 Decreased By ▼ -0.03 (-0.13%)
SNGP 114.92 Increased By ▲ 0.33 (0.29%)
SSGC 40.78 Increased By ▲ 0.76 (1.9%)
TELE 8.14 Increased By ▲ 0.05 (0.62%)
TPLP 10.30 Increased By ▲ 0.11 (1.08%)
TREET 25.01 Increased By ▲ 1.29 (5.44%)
TRG 56.51 Decreased By ▼ -0.60 (-1.05%)
WTL 1.44 Decreased By ▼ -0.01 (-0.69%)
BML 5.62 Decreased By ▼ -0.03 (-0.53%)
BOP 16.58 Increased By ▲ 1.51 (10.02%)
CNERGY 7.25 Increased By ▲ 0.03 (0.42%)
CPHL 93.02 Increased By ▲ 3.63 (4.06%)
DCL 13.85 Increased By ▲ 0.22 (1.61%)
DGKC 209.22 Increased By ▲ 1.75 (0.84%)
FCCL 59.46 Increased By ▲ 4.09 (7.39%)
FFL 17.13 Increased By ▲ 0.36 (2.15%)
GCIL 28.44 Increased By ▲ 0.33 (1.17%)
HUBC 163.93 Decreased By ▼ -0.34 (-0.21%)
KEL 5.43 Increased By ▲ 0.11 (2.07%)
KOSM 6.92 Increased By ▲ 0.21 (3.13%)
LOTCHEM 22.00 Increased By ▲ 0.05 (0.23%)
MLCF 104.83 Increased By ▲ 2.15 (2.09%)
NBP 153.50 Increased By ▲ 5.07 (3.42%)
PAEL 52.54 Increased By ▲ 4.78 (10.01%)
PIAHCLA 19.75 Increased By ▲ 0.23 (1.18%)
PIBTL 12.96 Increased By ▲ 0.17 (1.33%)
POWER 17.41 Increased By ▲ 0.41 (2.41%)
PPL 179.12 Increased By ▲ 1.81 (1.02%)
PREMA 41.78 Increased By ▲ 1.62 (4.03%)
PRL 31.71 Increased By ▲ 1.08 (3.53%)
PTC 22.77 Decreased By ▼ -0.03 (-0.13%)
SNGP 114.92 Increased By ▲ 0.33 (0.29%)
SSGC 40.78 Increased By ▲ 0.76 (1.9%)
TELE 8.14 Increased By ▲ 0.05 (0.62%)
TPLP 10.30 Increased By ▲ 0.11 (1.08%)
TREET 25.01 Increased By ▲ 1.29 (5.44%)
TRG 56.51 Decreased By ▼ -0.60 (-1.05%)
WTL 1.44 Decreased By ▼ -0.01 (-0.69%)
BR100 15,235 Increased By 150.4 (1%)
BR30 44,824 Increased By 812 (1.85%)
KSE100 149,971 Increased By 1353.3 (0.91%)
KSE30 45,655 Increased By 407.2 (0.9%)

A two-hour launch speech delivered by the Chairman Pakistan People's Party, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, miserably failed to connect with the gathering and we, sadly though, have our doubts that it would not help him arrest the party's popularity slide, particularly in Punjab. Bilawal is young and needs to visit every district in the country to connect with the masses in accordance with his late grandfather Z A Bhutto's strategy that he successfully employed to garner support for himself when he fell out with Field Marshal Ayub Khan in the 1960s. The son of Asif Zardari and Benazir Bhutto also must understand that now the contest is between party leaders such as Imran Khan and Nawaz Sharif and not just between the potential electables. Second, Pakistan of today has changed from the Pakistan of the 1970s and 40 percent of the voters are under the age of 30. No military general is at the helm anymore, so unlike his mother or her father he cannot target them. People want delivery of services and a better quality of life and will not be satisfied with mere 'clichés' or handouts. PPP has to come up with a plank of teaching "one to fish and not just giving a fish to eat". When Aitzaz Ahsan called for the leadership of the party to be given to people under the age of 50 years, he was underscoring the need for a younger leadership that could connect with the challenges of the present-day Pakistan.
Former President Zardari, in his speech, was more pragmatic and astute than his son. He urged political forces to stand united for the development of country. Unfortunately, however, he failed to develop a consensus when he was at the helm. But he knows the grave consequences of that failure. While the political forces in the Parliament got together and enacted 18th Amendment to the Constitution and the government of the day also succeeded in giving the 7th National Finance Commission Award; no common consensus was achieved on a charter for economic development.
PPP inherited the concept of 'Rental Power' from the Musharraf government as a stopgap arrangement. Its decision to make midway changes in the rental arrangement was challenged by the PML-N leadership in courts. The Supreme Court of Pakistan scrapped the whole rental power regime, adversely affecting even those who had not sought any changes in their contracts. Now PML-N is facing the music. We will urge the political leadership of all the parties to evolve a consensus on power sector, since the very future of the country's economy is now at stake. Courts cannot decide on opposing political views. Politicians themselves have to sit across the table to thrash out a consensus on this. If opposing political forces can agree on a 'Charter of Democracy' and successfully remove a military-led regime - why can't they agree on a 'Charter for Economic Development'. Let the train of development head in the right direction, allowing the engine driver to be changed at given intervals through an election (vote). Populist policies may garner votes but these cannot provide delivery of services on a sustainable basis.
We know corruption is a major reason for poor delivery of services to the masses. But calling both, PML-N as well as PPP leadership, as corrupt is not a substitute for a well thought out plan to tackle the country's economic problems.
Pakistan is not an easy country to govern. The political space is occupied by not just the politicians and the military but also by a highly assertive judiciary and a callously vibrant media. The PPP's hold on Lahore and greater Punjab had already slipped by the time Benazir Bhutto came in power. Asif Zardari knows it well and wants to shield rural Sindh against PTI's juggernaut. The last weekend public meeting in Karachi bears testimony to this fact. But Bilawal Bhutto Zardari would have to do much more for PPP to be once more a force in all four provinces. Nothing can be a stronger testament to voters than better governance in Sindh. PML-N won the last election on better performance in Punjab. Talking about lack of police force in Sindh in general and Karachi in particular - relative to Punjab - is a sign of weakness. Nothing stops the Sindh government to boost its police force and improve the law and order situation in the province. Punishing people of Karachi for not supporting PPP is neither the right approach; nor has it worked in the past and neither will it in the future. Policy of reconciliation with opposing political forces needs to be practiced. 'One needs to walk the talk and not just talk the talk'. No doubt, 'Bhutto-ism' is a distinctive doctrine, cause, or theory; it's a belief accepted as authoritative by PPP. Bilawal is therefore required to appreciate the grim reality of the day that selling 'Bhutto-ism' will necessitate a highly aggressive approach towards potential buyers - the youth of Pakistan.

Copyright Business Recorder, 2014

Comments

Comments are closed.