Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif had a productive meeting on Monday with representatives of the Ittehad-e-Tanzeemat-e-Madaris Pakistan (ITMP) to decide future course of action for the seminaries. Thus far these people vehemently refused to follow the rules applicable to private sector schools, resisting all efforts at registration and financial audit. Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan told journalists afterwards that the 'ulema' have not only welcomed the registration of seminaries but also "termed it essential." Also, he said all seminaries will present audit reports of their expenditures to the relevant departments on a regular basis. The entire process is to be completed within three months.
So what has changed now? A front page photo of the meeting in this paper offered a helpful clue. To the left of the Prime Minister in the presiding chair sat the CoAS Raheel Sharif, and next to him the ISI chief Lieutenant General Rizwan Akhtar. It was clear to all concerned that unlike the past, the State now meant business. According to a press report, both the PM and the CoAS explained to the ITMP clerics that an indiscriminate operation has been launched against madressahs suspected of having links to terrorists. The Army chief also made it plain that in pursuance of the National Action Plan, if someone was found guilty of any wrongdoing the madressah concerned and its administration would have to face the consequences. Clearly, where gentle persuasions used to be met with rude expressions of rejection, projection of power has succeeded.
It may be recalled that the Musharraf government had also announced a madressah reform plan, which included audit of the seminaries' accounts and reorganising their syllabi to include general subjects and modern tools of learning, but had to make a retreat in the face of stiff resistance. Apparently, the clerics then had figured out that General Musharraf was not determined enough to take action against them. In fact, one of the ITMP representatives, who participated in Monday's meeting, said that as opposed to the Musharraf and PPP governments, it seems this leadership is serious in taking the registration and restructuring of madressah education to its logical conclusion.
Interior Minister informed journalists that a meeting between seminary representatives and the State Bank of Pakistan will be arranged soon to streamline foreign funding. It is no secret that unlike the traditional madressahs which depended on local communities for sustenance, those of new brand are financed mostly by the Gulf States. Since they are not registered the money goes into personal accounts of the proprietors, serving as an irresistible incentive for them to keep the business going. Those countries, needless to say, do this not out of an altruistic motive but to fight a proxy war for regional influence. As long as that money keeps flowing in to the usual recipients it will continue to cause trouble. Bringing in the banks is a basic requirement, it is still important to keep a check on personal accounts so that no underhand means are used. One expects government-to-government contacts have already been made to ensure the Gulf States money pipeline to our madressahs dries up.
An equally important issue is the content of madressah education. Whereas traditional madressahs concerned themselves only with imparting religious education, the ones that sprang up and spread all over the country during the Zia regime, financed by interested outsiders, all maintain a strong sectarian identity. They purposely inculcate sectarian hatreds in young, impressionable minds. Those belonging to certain sub-sects within Sunni branch of Islam too are not tolerated.
Small wonder then that the Ittehadi-i-Tanzeemat-Madarus-e-Deenia comprises five different education boards, four of them representing sub-sects within the Sunni branch of Islam. Predictably, the biggest board is that of Deobandi school of thought called Wafaqul Madaras Arabia running as many as 18,000 seminaries. The Barelvis have Tanzeem-ul-Madaris Ahle-e-Sunnat Wal Jamat Pakistan; the Jamaat-i-Islami manages Rabta-ul-Madaris; while the Ahl-e-Hadith own Wafaq-ul-Madaris Al Salfia. And of course, the Ahl-e-Tashi have their own Wafaq-ul-Madaris Al-Shia. Even though all seminary owners say they have nothing to do with the violent extremism, it is no coincident that almost all known TTP and certain foreign militant leaders are alumni of our sectarian madressahs.
Had these places not served as nurseries nurturing violent extremists there would be no need for the Prime Minister and the CoAS to hold a special meeting with 'ulema' or for General Sharif to aver that strict action will be taken if any individual or an institution is found involved in terrorist activities.
While we take satisfaction out of seeing the decisions of the meeting between the ITMP and civil and military leadership, unease remains about implementation which is to be the responsibility of federal and provincial governments. The Prime Minister seemed to address this concern when he said to the participants if somebody had any doubts that the government was going easy on Punjab-based madressahs, they were absolutely wrong. It would be heartening to have the provincial chief ministers along with the federal government prove the sceptics wrong.
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