Some elements of PTI manifesto

A cursory look at the manifesto of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) merits something to be more specifically acknowledged, recognized, or understood; the party's election document has really brought the importance of its approach to a variety of issues home to its readers. Although it is quite difficult to fully appreciate the full import of PTI manifesto with a view to making any objective or fair comment, it can be safely deduced that the PTI has sensed victory in the July 25, 2018 general elections. From PTI's perspective, a triumph after a journey of 20-odd years is a great success or achievement that has been gained with a lot of skill or effort; triumph is also a feeling of great satisfaction and pride resulting from a success or victory.
Unfortunately, however, the PTI manifesto has tied its plans and programmes to the "experience" that it has gained during its 2013-18 rule in KPK. In other words, it seeks to lay its claim to power in Islamabad through its five-year performance in KPK. According to it, "unlike in 2013, today PTI speaks with a voice of confident experience as it has just ended its first term as a government in the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP). PTI claims to have learnt many lessons in the process of governing KP where it unfolded its 'Naya Pakistan' agenda. Despite forming a government for the first time, it was able to bring about meritocracy and reforms in the police, health and education sectors and, in the civil judicial system. PTI's police reforms in KP depoliticised the police force by ensuring recruitment, postings and promotions purely on merit.
Facts speak for themselves. No doubt, the PTI government in KPK had delivered to an extent. This however leads to an interesting question: What about the performance of parties that had been ruling in other provinces during the same period? Arguably, PML-N government in Punjab is considered to have fared much better than the rest between 2013 and now. The PTI performance in KPK is therefore subject to both praise and criticism.
While the PTI manifesto has responded to almost all the issues confronting the country, there are at least two of its features that tend to evoke immense interest among the residents of Karachi and southern Punjab in particular. According to PTI, "We will provide clean drinking water to all Karachi residents and implement plan to solve Karachi's water problems. In the process, we will crack down on the water mafia, illegal connections on public pipelines and champion the development of desalination plant. We will depoliticize Karachi's police service and implement a merit-based professional system to improve management. We will continue to work on the National Action Plan and will begin crack down on land & bhatta mafias in collaboration with the Sindh Rangers and civil/local government... . We will transform and massively enhance the capacity of Karachi's mass transit system by leveraging on public and private financing." The PTI that had triggered the unraveling of Muttahida Qaumi Movement, a party that had been dominating urban Sindh since the 1980s, through its strong performance in the 2013 elections appears to be quite confident about election results that this city of teeming millions will throw up on July 25. Its plans and pledges for Karachi therefore strongly reflect its determination to replace MQM forever.
The other upshot of PTI manifesto is the party's declaration to create a southern Punjab province by announcing that "PTI will develop a national consensus on the creation of a South Punjab province on administrative grounds with the objective to lift 35 million people out of poverty, as well as to create an administrative balance between Pakistan's federating units... . We are committed to creating South Punjab province on administrative basis that respects the wishes of both, the people of Punjab as well as each of the other federating units of Pakistan." The foregoing clearly shows that PTI has tried to strike a delicate balance in its approach to this tricky issue, lest it completely alienates the areas that constitute central and upper Punjab, the power base of the Sharifs who are still optimistic about their electoral prospects despite their political predicament.