Modi's second term

Absolute revival of Hindutva was a good enough electoral promise by Narendra Modi to help win the second term. But that is in the past now; during his second term Prime Minister Modi got to do what he promised during the run-up for his first term. And this is a huge challenge given economic slowdown, rampant unemployment and crass indifference to the growing plight of farming sector. No surprise then in his first cabinet meeting he not only promised 'big bang' economic reforms in his first 100 days, but also showcased a set of ministers who are expected to make up for the losses made before. Being indispensible to the BJP-backed Modi success party chief Amit Shah has become home minister. But the appointments of Nirmala Sitharaman as finance minister and career diplomat S. Jaishanker as foreign minister exhibit some early signs that re-elected Prime Minister Modi may like to sharpen focus on more serious challenges confronting India than revival of mythical Hindutva. It is quite likely that like Atal Behari Vajpayee he too will outgrow his RSS-nurtured Hindu nationalism and embrace globalism, both politically and economically. Expectedly, the new cabinet in New Delhi would privatise some 40 state enterprises, relax labour and land rules for businesses and subsidise agricultural inputs. The then foreign minister Shushma Swaraj was pleasant to talk to but she was too hard to imbibe soft art of diplomacy. Her replacement happens to be someone who is having better knowledge as to what Pakistan is. His appointment is an indicator that Prime Minister Modi is "serious about foreign policy". The new Modi government may also like to revise downward its ambition to be a regional hegemon - if the United States' Seventh Fleet didn't show up in the Bay of Bengal to help Pakistan during the East Pakistan crisis there is no guarantee that it would help India stand up to China. For India the United States is not what it is for the oil-rich Gulf sheikhdoms. Nobody should doubt Narendra Modi's Chanakyan proficiencies.
So far there is no hint whatsoever that Pakistan is disappointed by Modi 2.0. In here there is a belief that given the lingering distrust between the two sides only a strong and self-assured leadership in New Delhi would like to resume peace talks with Pakistan. In fact, that is what prompted Prime Minister Imran Khan to pin hopes for normalization on Modi's re-election. Excepting Kashmir almost all other bilateral issues and problems were almost in final stages of settlement at one time or the other in the past. That thread can be picked up. India's illegal occupation of Held Kashmir is however one problem that tends to vitiate one and all wishes the two sides may entertain for peaceful neighbourliness. During his election campaign Modi had said if re-elected he would terminate the special status of Held Kashmir by 'throwing away' both Article 370 and Article 35A. Abrogating Articles 35A, and Article 370, from which the former inexorably flows, has long been an agenda of Sangh Parivar. But if Modi tries there is no reason the people of Kashmir would let it happen; they have defended their rights by shedding blood like no other people have done in present-day times. It is one's conviction that any adventure on the part of the Modi government to undo these constitutional constraints would cost him his highly ambitious Modi 2.0. One would think if Prime Minister Modi is sincerely committed to reviving India's ailing economy, giving jobs to the unemployed millions, helping farmers live their lives and attracting foreign investment then he has to pull out his half a million trigger-happy soldiers from Held Kashmir.