It's Pakistan's lingering constitutional dilemma that votes are won by promising grassroots development and prosperity but once elected the power transits to higher echelons at the cost of grassroots, and thus promises to provide services at the doorstep vanish into thin air. This is violation of Article 140A of the Constitution, which mandates that each province shall, by law, establish a local government system and devolve political, financial and financial responsibility and authority to the elected representatives of local governments. To ensure, there are palpable local governments with adequate powers to deliver the 18th Constitutional Amendment amended the said Article by adding that "Elections to the local governments shall be held by the Election Commission of Pakistan". But that doesn't happen; on the other hand, governance powers are largely residing at the top - in the office of prime minister and central secretariat. That being the obtaining reality today there is this growing uproar against centralisation of administrative and financial powers. Presently, there is a cry from the grassroots that it is being starved of funds by the provincial governments. The provincial governments, however, argue that they are helpless and 'orders' have to come from Islamabad, and as these come relief would be provided on the doorstep. And this is a loud cry, being raised by quarters right from within the PTI-headed coalition governments at the centre and province of Punjab. If the MQM-P wants the centre to give what is due to the urban centres of Sindh and PML-Q is for 'empowering' Punjab Chief Minister Sardar Usman Buzdar (after a major reshuffle in Punjab back in November last year, more administrative control is said to have been given to the chief secretary and police chief, who take orders directly from the PM's secretariat) so that he can help save its reputation among its constituents. The party is not after his job but wish him to be in position to deliver on the promises and commitments the PML-Q made to its supporters. The prime minister's team in patch-up talks has therefore offered a share in administrative powers in three districts - Gujrat, Chakwal and Bahawalpur - and some tehsils. But how soon? It's a tough challenge because the PML-Q wants all of it in one week. The question whether PML-Q will ultimately part ways with PTI at the centre and in Punjab has no easy answer. But its demands are genuine; these are said to have received support from a number of PTI legislators as well. Federal Minister Fawad Chaudhry too wants delivery of services in his constituency, believing, albeit wrongly, that CM Buzdar is a roadblock. Beset with denial of funds for urban areas, the MQM-P has made it clear to PM's team that it would remain PTI's ally in parliament but would not rejoin the federal cabinet. The BNP-Mengal and Balochistan Awami Party (BAP) are also unhappy over denial of development funds for their constituencies, but not yet loud enough to be clearly audible in Islamabad.
Pakistan is constitutionally a federation, a reality all the more since the passage of 18th Constitutional Amendment. But in practice it has functioned as a centrally administered entity for so long that the federal government tends to resist ceding control to the federating units (the provinces). But then the provincial governments too deny space to the local governments, as seems to be the case in Punjab and Sindh. Rightly then there is the second opinion about the ongoing political turmoil: some describe the move as an attempt aimed at bringing about in-house changes in Islamabad and Lahore while others predict mid-term elections. But irrespective of the motivation behind the ongoing turmoil, the need for political stability should override all other considerations or objectives in view of the severity of challenges the country is presently facing. The situation, therefore, underscores the need for all tiers of government to complement each other's efforts strictly in accordance with constitutional stipulations.
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